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                    <text>9MMU

mmem**

THE
i I'M"
i I i

OLD SCOTTISH TRAGICAL

BALLAD
OF

SIR JAMES THE ROSE
Of all the Scottish northern chiefs,
Of high' and warlike name,
The bravest was Sir James the Rose,
A knight of meikle fame.

DUNDEE
P

r

i

n

t

e

d

f o k J T H E

B O O K S E L L E R S .

K

•k

�SIR .TAMES

HUT

THE

ROSE.

JA3IO/HT HHTTO)* &lt;|JO
m
ill I the Scottish norihern chiefs,
.
.
&lt; &gt;f hisjfi . Mtirl warfikc name,
it \
— ;| w t £ sir James the Hose
A kifiuht of meifee i'iftne.1

i\

I
i

His growth wa&gt; like the youthful oak,
That crowns the mountain's brow,
And waving o'er his shoulders broad.
His locks of yellow flew.
#

••

Wide were hisjlmlds, his herds were large,
And large his flocks of sheep,
And numerous were his goats and deer,
Upon the mountains steep.
The chieftain of the good clan Rose,
A firm and warlike band,
Five hundred warriors drew the sword,
Beneath his high command.
In bloody fight thrice had he stood
Against the English keen,
Ere two and twenty opening springs
The blooming youth had seen.

,

The fair Matilda dear he loved—
A maid to beauty rare ;
Ev'n Margaret on the Scottish throne
Was never half so fair.
• T, ,
.. ,
|/f .

|

�Long had lie wooed, long she r e f u s e ,
With seeming scorn and pride ;
Yet oft her eyes confessed the love
Her fearful words denied.
A t length she blessed his well-tried love
Allowed his tender claim ;
She vowed to him her tender heart.
And owned an equal flame.
Her father. Buclian's cruel lord,
Their passion dis-approved ;
He bade her wed Sir John the G ramie,
And leave the youth she loved.
One night they met as they were wont,
Deep in a shady wood,
Where on the bank beside the burn,
A blooming saugh tree stood.
Concealed among the underwood
The crafty Donald lay,
The brother of Sir John the G ramie,
To watch what they might say.
When thus the maid began, My Sire
Our passion dis-approves,
He bids me wed Sir John the Gramme,
So here must end our loves.
•
My father's will must be obeyed,
Nought boots me to withstand,
Some fairer maid in beauty's bloom
Shall bless you with her hand.
Soon will Matilda be forgot,
And from thy mind effaced ;
But may that happiness be thine,
Which J can never taste,

�4
What do I hear! is this tliy vow ?
Sir James the Rose replied;
And will Matilda wed the Graeme,
Though sworn to be my bride ?
;": • , . iH
His sword shall sooner pierce my heart
Than reave me of thy charms—
And clasped her to his throbbing breast,
Fast locked within his arms.
1 spoke to try thy love, she said,
I'll ne'er wed man but thee ;
The grave shall be my bridal bed
If Graeme my husband be.
i
: ; -•
Then take, dear youth, this faithful kiss
In witness of my troth,
And every plague become my lot,
That day I break my oath—
They parted thus—the sun was let—
Up htfsty Donald flies.
And turn thee, turn thee, beardless youth,
He loud insulting cries.
Soon turned about the fearless chief,
And soon his sword he drew ;
For Donald's blade before his breast,
Had pierced his tartans through.
This for my brother's slighted love,
His wrongs sit on my arm—
Three paces back the youth retired,
And saved himself from harm.
Returning swift his sword he reared,
Fierce Donald's head above ; 0
And through the brain and crashing bone,
Hi» furioas weapon drove, 1

�Life issued at the wound—he fell
A lump of lifeless clay ;
So fall my foes, quoth valient Rose,
Aucl stat'ely strode away.
,(!'?»;:
i
U
Thro' the green wood iu hast he passed,
Urito Lord Buchan's hall,
Beneath Matilda's window stood;
A n d thus on her did c a l l : o I
. n tV»f&gt; oi 'vjl-.ntii i't Hi'l
Art thou asleep, Matilda dear ?
Awake my love awake;
Lehold thy lover waits without,
A long farewell to take.
Avi : n &gt;d) t-i'. !. hi - ! •/
For I have slain fierce Donald Graeme
His blood is.on my sword ;
A n d far, far distant are" my men,
Nor can defend their lord.
.-•jib rnifuuiii 0*10 out /ft
T o Skye I will direct my flight,
Where my brave brothers bide,
Ito raise the mighty- of the Isles,
T o combat 011 my side.
0 do not so the maid replied,
With me till morning stay : ' *
For dark and dreary 4s' the night,
And dangerous is the way.
i! .
All night I'll watch thee in the park,
My faithful page I'll send
In liase to raise the brave clan Rose,
Their master to defend,
•biSJjC::

j s

rj

U!

? •

It /

He laid him down beneath a bush,
And wrapped'liini in his plaid;
While trembling fop her lover's fate,
A t distance stood the maid.

�.6
Fwift ran the page o'er hill and dell,
Till in a lowly glen,
He met the furious Sir John Graeme
With twenty of his men.
Where goest thou little page, he said,
So late ? who did thee send ?
I go to raise the brave clan Rose,
Their master to defend.
For he has slain fierce Donald Graeme
His blood is on his sword,
And far, far distant are his men,
Nor can assist their lord.
And has he slain my brother dear ?
The furious chief replies ;
Dishonour blast my name but he
By me ere morning dies.
Say page where is Sir James the Ros« ?
J will thee well reward—
He sleeps into Lord Buclian's park,
Matilda is his guard.
They spurred their steeds and furious flew
Like lightening o'er the lea ;
They reached Lord Buchan's lofty tower
By dawning of the day.
Matilda stood without the gate,
Upon a rising ground,
And watched each object in the dawn,
All ear to every sound.
Where sleeps the Rose? began the Grame
Or has the felon fled ?
This hand shall lay the wretch on earth,
Uy whom my brother bled,

A

�7
Last day at noon, Matilda said,
Sir James the Ro-e passed by.
Well mounted on his noble steed,
And onward fast did hie.
By this time he's in Edinburgh Town,
If horse and man hold good ;—
Tour page then lied who said he was
Now sleeping in the wood.
She wrung her hands, and tore her hair
Brave Rose thou art betrayed.
And ruined by tlio.e very means'
From whence 1 hoped thine aid.
And now the valiant knight awoke,
The virgin shrieking heard ;
Straight up he rose and drew his sword,
When the fierce band appeared.
Your sword last night my brother slew,
His blood yet dims its shine;
And ere the Sun shall gild the morn,
Your blood shall reek on mine.
Your words are brave, the chief returned,
But deeds approve the man,
Set by your men and hand to hand
We'll try what valour can.
With dauntless step he forward strode,
And dared him to the fight;
The Graeme gave back, he feared his arm
For well he knew his might.
Four of his men, the bravest four,
Sunk down beneath his sword ;
But still he scorned the poor revenge.
And sought their haughty lord.

�a -'
Behind him basely came the Graeme,
And pierced him in the side ;
Out sprouting came the purple stream,
And all his tartans dyed.
But yet his hand dropped not the sword,
Nor sunk he to the ground,
Till through his enemy's heart the steel,
Had forced a mortal wo and.
Grseme, like a tree by wind o'er thrown,
Fell breathless on the clay ;
And down beside him sunk the Rose,
And faint and dying lay.
Matilda saw and fast she ran,
O spare his life, she cried;
Lord Buchan's daughter begs his life,
Let her not be denied.
Her well-known voice the hero heard,
And raised his death closed eyes,
He fixed them on the weeping maid,
And weakly this replies :
In vain Matilda begs a life,
By deaths arrest denied ;
My race is run—adieu, my love •
Then closed his eyes and died.
The sword yet warm from his left side,
With frantic hand she drew ;
I come, Sir James the Rose, she cried,
I come to follow you.
The hilt she leant against the ground,
And bared her snowy breast,
Then fell upon her lovers face,
And sunk to endless rest.

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                <text>&lt;a title="University of Glasgow Union Catalogue of Scottish Chapbooks" href="http://special.lib.gla.ac.uk/chapbooks/search/"&gt;University of Glasgow Union Catalogue of Scottish Chapbooks&amp;nbsp;&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                    <text>SIX

SsceUent Songs.
A L L E N - A-DALE.
THE YOUTHFUL

SQUIRE.

BY T H E MARGIN OF Z U R I C H ' S W A T E R S .
T H E R O V E R ' S BRIDE,
THE CHIEFTAIN'S

DAUGHTER.

SIR JOHN T H E G R A M E .

GLASGOW:
PftJNTEB FOR THE BOOKS EL LEES,

58.

�SONGS.
ALLEN-A-DALE.
Allen-a-dale has 110 faggot for burning,
Allen-a-dale has no furrow for turning,
Allen-a-dale has 110 fleece for the spinning,
Yet Allen-a-dale has red gold for the winning.
Come read me my riddle, come hearken my tale,
And tell me the craft of bold Allen-a-dale.
The Baron of Ravensworth prances in pride,
And he yiews his domain upon Arkindale side,
The mere for his net, and the lamb for his game,
The chase for the wild, and the park for the tame ;
Yet the fish of the lake, and the deer of the vale*
Are less free to Lord Dacre than Allen-a-dale.
Allen-a-dale was ne'er belted a knight,
Tho' his spur be as sharp, and his blade be as bright;
Allen-a-dale is no baron or lord,
Yet twenty tall yeomen will draw at his word;
And the best of our nobles his bonnet will veil,
Who at Rerecross or Stanmore meets Allen-a-dale,
Allen-a dale to his wooing is come,
The mother she ask'd of his household and home ;

�5
4 Tho* the castle of Richmond stands fair on the hill,
My hall,' quoth bold Allen, * shows gallanter still;
the blue vault of heaven, with its crescent so pale,
And with all his bright spangles,' said Allen-a-dale.

The father was steel, and the mother was stone,
T h e j lifted the latch and bade him begone ;
But loud on the morrow their wail and their cry—
He had laugh'd on the lass wi' his bonnie black eye ;
And she fled to the forest to hear a love-tale,
knd the youth it was told by was Allen-a-dale.

SIR JOHN T H E G R A M E .
Twas in and about the Martinmas time,
When the green leaves were a-falling,
That Sir John Grame o' the west country
Fell in love with Barbara Allan.
He sent his man down through the town.
To the place where she was dwelling,
O haste and come to my master dear,
Gin ye be Barbara Allan.
O hooly rose she up and came
To the place where he was lying,
And drew the curtain by, and said,
Young man, I think you're dying.
0 it's I'm sick, I'm very sick,
And 'tis a' for Barbara Allan,
0 the better for me ye's never be,
Though your heart's blood were a spilling.

�0 dinna ye mind, young man, she said,
"When the red wine ye were filling,
That ye made their healths go round and rou»d#
And slighted Barbara Allan ?
He turn'd his face unto the wall,
And death was with him dealing,
Adieu, adieu, my dear friends all,
And be kind to Barbara Allan.
O slowly, slowly raise she up,
And slowly, slowly left him,
And sighing, said, she could not stay,
Since death of life had reft him.
She had not gane a mile but twa,
When she heard the death-bell knelling,
Ajid every jow that the death-bell gied,
It c r y w o to Barbara Allan.
O mother, mother, make my bed,
O make it saft and narrow,
Since my love died for me to-day,
i l l die for him to-morrow.

T H E Y O U T H F U L SQUIRE,
My father had no child but me,
And all his care continually,
Was for to have me married well,
But under fortune's frown I felL

�5
For to an old miser lie wedded me,
His age it was three-score and three,
And I myself about seventeen,—I wish his face I ne'er had seen,
For when that I abroad do go,
To meet a friend, to chat, or so ;
If any man should salute me,
It more increases his jealousy.
A youthful squire did drink to me,
I pledg'd with him my modesty;
Thought it no harm, yet nevertheless,
My husband did my shoulders dress.
And when that we do go to bed,
To reap the joys for which we wed ;
He does so kick and pinch me too,
That he my limbs leaves black and blue*
Next morning when that I arose,
I straight in haste put on my clothe^
And as he lay asleep in bed,
I with a ladle broke his head.
He took a stick and at me run,
I took another—so begun,
And round the room did beat him well,
Until upon his knees he fell

�5
For every blow I gave him ten,
And ask'd would he be jealous again ;
No, no, no, no, my loving wife,
If you will now but spare my life.

THE CHIEFTAIN'S

DAUGHTER

Boatman, boatman, row me over,
Row me over the flowing tide ;
Nought but thanks have I to offer,
Thou shalt have gold when I'm a bride ;
Lady, not for gold I crave thee,
But the night is wild and dark,
And in such an angry water,
I do dread to launch my bark.
Boatman, boatman, row me over, &amp;e.
Boatman, 'tis nt)t wind or water
That can turn a maiden's vow ;
Know'st thou I'm Lord Ronald's daughter ?
Boatman, wilt thou venture now ?
Lady fair, an old man blame not,
I have wife and children three,
But to serve my chieftain's daughter,
I will brave the storm for thee.
Boatman, 'tis not wind or water, &amp;c.
Now the bark hath kiss'd the billow,
Like some wild bird it flies to shore ;
A hand hath ta'en Lord Ronald's daughter,
And the boatman returns with gold in store.

�5
Oft on night as dark and stormy,
Seated in his old arm-chair,
The aged sailor tells the story
Of his chieftain's daughter fair.
Boatman, boatman, row me over, &amp;c.

T H E R O V E R ' S BRIDE.
Oh if you loye me, furl your sails,
Draw up your boat on shore ;
Come tell me tales of midnight gales,
But tempt their might no more : —
Oh stay, Kate whisper'd, stay with me&gt;
Fear not, the Rover cried,
Yon bark shall be a prize for thee,
I'll seize it for my bride.
The boat was in pursuit—it flew,
The full sails bent the mast,
Poor Kate well knew the Rover's crew
Would struggle to the last.
And ceaselessly for morning's light
She pray'd upon her knees,
For all the night the sounds of fight
Were borne upon the breeze.
When morning came, it brought despaii.
The Rover's boat was gone,
Kate rent her hair, one bark was there,
• Triumphant, but alone.

�She sought the shore, she brav'd the storm,
A corpse lay by her side,
She strove to warm the Rover's form,
Then kiss'd his lips, and died.

B Y T H E M A R G I N OF F A I R ZURICH'S
WATERS.
By the margin of fair Zurich's waters,
Dwelt a youth whose fond heart night and day
For the fairest of fair Zurich's daughters,
In a dream of love melted away.
If alone, no one bolder than he,
But with her none more timid could be ;
" O h list to me, dearest, I pray,"
When she did so, he only could say—'4 Lack well a day!"
By the margin of fair Zurich's waters,
At the close of a sweet summer's day ;
To the fairest of fair Zurich's daughters,
This fond youth found at last tongue to say,
44 I'm in love, as thou surely must see,
Could I love any other but thee?
0 say, then, wilt thou be my bride?"
Can you tell how the fair one replied?
I leave you to guess,
Of course she said, 4 4 Yes V1

�</text>
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                    <text>SBVJBN

JOCK 0 ' HAZELDEAN.
THIS IS NO MY AIN LASSIE.
LOGAN WATER.
BANKS OF ALLAN WATER.
SOMEBODY.
T H E Y ' R E A' TEASING ME.
TO ALL YOU LADIES.

GLASGOW:
PRINTED FOR THE BOOKSELLERS.

�SONG'S

JOCK 0 \ H A Z E u m m .
4iWfiy

weep ye by the1 title, lady?
Why w.epp ye by .the tide ?
M -ared'ye-to my youngest Sony
And rye (shall be his bride,.
And ye shall be his bride, lady,
Sa© comely to be seen :"
But aye she loot the tears clown fa*
¥w Jock o? Hazeldean.
" Mow let this wilful grief be done,
And dry that cheek so pale ;
Young Frank.is chief of Errington,
And Lord of Langley dale.
His,.step-is-first in peaceful ha5, .
His sword in ; battle keen
But sjjr ihe loot the tears down fa?
Wm lock o' Hazeldean.
A ciiaxn 4f gold ye shall not lack,
JSfor braid to bind .your hair,
Nor mettl'd hound, nor managed hawk,
Nor palfrey fresh an d fair.
si

�3
And you the foremost o' them a*
Shall ride, our foremost queen :&gt;r
But aye she loot the:tears down fa*
For Jock o' Hazeldean.
The kirk w&amp;s cleck'd at morning tide,,
The tapers glimmer'd fair,
The priest and bridegroom, wait the Bride*
And dame and knight are there.
%
They sought her baith by bower and
The lady was not seen ;
She's o'er the border and awa,
"Wi' Jock o' Ilazeldean.

THIS IS NO MY AI1SF LASSIE.
This is ho my ain lassie,
Fair though the lassie be ;
0 well ken I mine ain lassie,
Kind lore is in her. ee.
I see a form, I see a face,
Ye weel may wi' the fairest place;
It wants to me the witching grace,
The kind love that's in her ee.
0 this is no, &amp;c.
She's bonny, blooming, fresh and tall,
And lang has had my heart: in thrall,
And aye it charms my very sauI;
The kind love that's in her ee.
0 this is no, &amp;c.

�4
A tliief sae pawkie is my Jean,
To steal a blink by a' unseen ;
But gleg as light are lovers' een,
When kind love is in the ee.
0 this is no, &amp;c.
It may escape the courtly sparks.
It may escape the learned clerks ;
But weel the watching lover marks
The kind love that's in her ee
0 this is no, &amp;e.

SOMEBODY.
My heart is lair, I darena tell,
My heart is sair for somebody,
I could wake a winter night,
For the sake o' somebody.
Och hon, for somebody !
Och hey, for somebody
I could range the world around,
For the sake o' somebody.
Ye pow'rs that smile on virtuous lov
0, sweetly smile on somebody :
Frae ilka clanger keep him free,
And send me safe my somebody
Och hon, for somebodj 1
Och hey, for somebody I
1 wad do, what wad I not,
For the sake o' somebody

�LOGAN W A T E R .
O Logan, sweetly didst thou glide,
That day I was my Willie's bride:
And years sinsyne hae o'er us run,
Like Logan to the summer sun. |
But now thy flow'ry banks appear
Like drumlie winter, dark and drear,
While my dear lad maun face his &amp;tes,
Far far frae me and Logan braes.
Again the merry month of May,
Has made our hills and valleys gay,
The birds rejoice in leafy bowers,
The bees hum round the breathing flowers
Blythe morning lifts his rosy eye,
And evening tears are tears of joy ;
My soul, delightless, a' surveys,
While Willie's far frae Logan braes.
Within yon milk-white hawthorn bush,
Amang her nestlings sits the thrush,
Her faithfu' mate will share her toil,
Or wi' his song her cares beguile ; J j
But I wi' my sweet nurslings here,
Nae mate to help, nae mate to cheer,
Pass widow'd nights and joyless days,
While Willie's far frae Logan braes.
O, wae upon you men o' state,
That brethren rouse to deadly hate!
As ye make mony a fond heart mourn,
Sae may it on your heads return.

�6
How can your flinty hearts enjoy,
The widow's tear, the orphan's cry?
But soon may peace bring happy^ days,
And Willie frame to Logan braes !
BANKS OF A L L A N WATER.
On the banks of Allan water,
When the sweet spring time did fall,
Was the miller's lovely daughter,
Fairest of-, them, all.
For h;s bride a soldier sought Iier,
And a winning tongue had Be ;
On the banks of Allan water,
None so gay as she.
Oil the banks of Allan water,
When brown autumn spreads his store,
There I saw the miller's daughter;
But she smiled no more.
For the summer grief had; brought her,
And her soldier false was he :
On the banks of Allkn water,
None so sad as she&lt;
On the banks of Allan water,
When the winter snow fell fast.
Still was seen the miller's daughter,
Chilling blew the blast.
But the miller's lovely daughter,
Both from cold and care was free—
Qm the banks of Allan water,
.There a corse lay she.

�7
THEY'RE A' TEASING ME.
0 wha-islie I loe sae weel?
Wha was my heart an'a;*,
(3 wha as 'he ? 'tis mir to 'tell
He's o'er'the seasawa',
There's Charlie he'sa sodger lad,
And. Davie'Myfhe is he,
And Willie in his tartan plaid,
They're a'teasing me.
0 they're a' tease teasing,
They're a' teasing me.
They're a' tease teasing,
0 they're a teasing me.
There VGarl fe chief o' Daftue glen,
&lt; And he has land and store,
With flowfrymead, and shady fen,
And siller o'er and o'er.
irry thee
And thou my ain true bride shall be,
AncI Queen o' Daftne ha !!?
0 they 're .a' tease, &amp;c.
But irhen my Jamie comes again,
Young1 Carl will then descry,
That siller is but Jempty gain,
To hearts nae gowcl can buy,
My Jamie's brave,, my Jamie's braw,
My Jamie's a' to nie,
And tho' his siller store be sma'
1 1
Yet his I ' "

�TO ALL YOU LADIES,
To all you laclies now at land,
We men at sea indite,
But first would have you understand
TIow hard it is to write.
The Muses now, and Neptune too,
We must implore to write to you,
1T0 write to you,
With a fal, lal, lal, la, la, la, la,
With a fa
With a fa, &amp;c.
Injustice you cannot refuse
To think of our distress,
When we, for hopes of honour, lose
Our certain happiness ;
All these designs are but to prove
Ourselves more worthy of your love,
More worthy of your love.
With a fal, &amp;c.
Arid now we've told you all our loves,
And likewise all our fears ;
In hopes this declaration moves
Some pity for our tears ;
Let's hear of no inconstancy,
We have enough of that at sea,
Of that at sea.
With a fal, &amp;c,

�</text>
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                <text>Seven Sentimental Songs. Jock O' Hazeldean. This is no my ain Lassie. Logan Water. Banks of Allan Water. Somebody. They're a ' Teasing Me. To all you ladies.</text>
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                <text>Somebody.</text>
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                <text>They're a ' Teasing Me.</text>
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                <text>To all you ladies.</text>
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                <text>&lt;a title="University of Glasgow Union Catalogue of Scottish Chapbooks" href="http://special.lib.gla.ac.uk/chapbooks/search/"&gt;University of Glasgow Union Catalogue of Scottish Chapbooks&amp;nbsp;&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                    <text>THE

Wife of Beitk
With a description of her

JOURNEY TO HEAVEN.

FALKIRK
PRINTED F R THE BOOKSELLERS.
O

�THE
i

W I F E

OF

B E I T H t

In Beith once dwelt a worthy wife,
Of whom brave Chaucer mention makes
She lived alicentiot s life,
And namely in venereal acts ;
Bnt death did come for all her cracks,
When years were spent and days outdriven,
Then suddenly she sickness takes,
Deceast forthwith and went to heaven.
But as she went upen the way.
There followed 1 er a certain guide ;
And kindly to her did say,
Where mean you dame for to abide ?
I know you are the Wife of Beith,
And would not then that you go wrong
For I'm your friend, and will not loath
That you i»o thro 4 this narrow throng,
This way is broader,
with me.
And very pleasant is the way ;
I'll bring thee where you would be,
Go with me friend say me not nay.
She looked on him. then did speer,
I pray you sir, what is your name ?
Show me the way how came you here?
T o tell it to me is no shame.

�s
Is that a favour 'bout your neck ?
And what is that upon your side ?
Is it a bag or silvei sack ?
What are you then where do you bide ?
I was a servant unto Christ,
And Judas likewise is my name.
I knew you by your colours first.
Forsooth indeed you are to blame;
Your master did you not betray ?
And hang yourself when ye had done ?
Where'er you bide I will not stay ;
Go then yo'i knave let me alone.
Whatever I be I'll be your gtiidf*,
Because yo i know not well the way j
Will you at once in me confide,
I'll do rill friendship that 1 may.
What would you me ?
Where do you dwell,
I have nought will go with t h e e ;
I fear it is some lower cell,
I pray thee therefore let me be.
This is a stormy night and cold,
III bring you to a warmer inn ;
Will you g o forward and be bold,
And mend your pace till ye win in.
I fear your inn will be too warm,
For too much hotness is not b e s t ;
Such hotness there may do me harm,
And keep me that I do not r e s t ;
I know your way it is to hell.
For you are not one of the eleven ;

�4
Go haste you then unto your cell,
My way is only unto heaven.
That way is by the gates of hell,
I f you intend there for to go,
Go dame I will not you compel,
Bnt I with you will go also.
Then down they went a right steep
hill,
Where Smbke and darkness did abound
And pitch and sulphur burned still,
With yells and cries hills did resound,
T h e fiend himself cime to the gate,
And asked him where he had been ;
D o you not know and have forgot,
Seeking this wife could not be »een.
Good dame said he will you be here
I pray you then tell me your name ;
T h e wife of Beith since lltat you speer,
But to come in 1 were to blame,
I will not have you then good dame
For you were mistress of the fly ting,
If once within this gaite you come,
I will be troubled with your biting.
Cummer go back and let me be,
II ere are too many of youi rout j
For women lewd like unto thee,
I cannot turn my foot about.
Sir t! let I say i shall bide out,
But gossip thou wast ne'er to me y
For to come in, I'm not so stout,
And of my biting thoil'st be free j

�5
Bill Lucifer what that on thee ?
Hast thou n?o'water in this place P
Thou look'st so black it seems to mei
Thou nener drost wash thy ugly face;
If we had water here to drink,
We would not care for washing then,
Into these flames and filthy stink.
We burn with fire in the doom:
Upbraid me then good wife no more,
For first when I heard of the name ;
1 knevr thou had such words in store,
Would make the devil to think shame.
Forsooth Sir thief thou art to blame,
If I had time now to abide ;
Once ye were well but may think shame
That lost heaven for rebellious pride;
Who traitor-like -fell with the rest,
Because ye would not be content,
And now of bliss are dispossest,
Without all grace for to repent,
Thou made'st poor Eve long since
consent,
To eat of the forbidden tree ;
(Which we her daughters may repent)
And made us almost like to thee j
But God be blest who past thee by.
And did a Saviour provide ;
For /fdam's w hole posterity,
All those who do in him confide,
Adieu false fiend, I may not bide,
With thee I may no longer stay ;

�6;
My God in death he was my Guide*
O ' e r hell I'll pet the victory.
Then up the hill the poor wife went
Opprest with stinking flames and fear.
Weeping right sore with gieat relent.
For to go else she wist not w h e r e ;
a narrow way with thorns and briers,
and full of mires was here b e f o r e ;
She sighed oft with sobs and tears.
T h e poor wife's heart was wond 4 rous
sore;
Tired and torn she went on still,
Sometimes she sat anil sometimes fell,
aye till she came to a high hill,
and then &lt;?ne looked back to hell.
When that she hatl climbM up the hill,
Before her was a goodly plain ;
Where she did rest and weep her fill,
Then rose and to her feet again.
H e r heart was glad the way was good
Up to the hill she hied with haste,
T h e f l o u e r s were fair where there she
stood,
The field were pleasant to her taste.
Then she espied Jerusalem,
O n Zion's mount where that it stood:
Shining with gx&gt;ld light as the sun,
H e r silly soul was then right glad ;
T h e ports of pearls shining bright,
Were very glorious to behold,
With precious stones g a \ e such a light

�7
T h e walls were of transparent gold;
high were tWe walls thegates were shut
and long she thought for to be in $
But then for fear of biding out,
She knocked hard and made some dinT o knock and cry she did not spare
Till father Adam did her h e a r ;
Who is't that raps so rudely there,
Heaven cannot well be vvcn by weir;
T h e wife of Beith since that you spier,
Hath stood these two hours at the gate*
Go back quoth he, thou must forbear,
Here may rio sinners entrance get.
Adam, quoth she, 1 shall be in,
In spite of all such churls as thee j
T h o u ' r t the original of all sin.
For which thou art not flvting free.
But for thy soul offences fled.
Adam went back and let her be,
Looking as if his nose had bled.
Then mother Eve did at him speer,
Who was it there that made such din?
He said, a woman would be here,
For me I durst not let her in.
I'll go, said she, and ask her will,
Her company I would have fain ;
But aye she cried anil knocked still,
And in no ways she would refrain.
Daughter, said Eve, you will do well,
T o come a^ain another t i u i e ;
Heaven is not won by sword or steel,

�8
Nor none that's guilty of a crime.
Mother said she, the fault is thine,
That knocking here so long I stand;
Thy guilt is more than that of mine,
If thou wilt rightly understand,
Thou wast the cause of all our sin,
Wherein we were bom and conceived.
Our misery thou did'st begin,
By thee thy husband was deceived.
Eve went back where Noah was,
and told him all how she was blam'd
Of her great sin and first trespass,
Whereof she was so much asham'd.
Then Noah said i will go down,
and will forbid her that she knock ;
Go back, he said, ye drunken lawn,
Your none of the celestial flock.
Noah she said, now hold thy peace,
Where I drank ale thou didst drink wine
Discover'd was to thy disgrace,
When thou wast full like to a swine,
If I was drunk 1 learned at the
For thou'rt the father and the first,
T h a t others taught and likewise me,
T o drink when as vve had 110 thirst.
Then Noah turned back with speed
and told the patriarch Abra'am then,
How that the carlin made him dread,
And how she all his deeds did ken.
Abra'am then said now get you gone
Let us no more hear of your din ;

�9
No lying wife as I suppose,
May enter in these gates within.
Abra'am, she said will you but spare
I hope you are not 'flyting fre^ ;
You of yourself had such a care,
Deny'd your wife and made a lie;
Go then I pray you let me be
For 1 repent of all my sin;
Do thou but ope the gates to me,
and let me quietly come in.
Abra'am went back to Jacob then,
and told his grandson how to speed,
How that of her nothing he wan,
an 1 that he thought the cariin mad,
Then down came J a t o b thro* 1 he close
and said go backward clown to h e l l ;
Jacob quoth she I know your voice,
That gate pertaineth to thyself,
Of thy old trumpheiies I can tell,
With two sisters thou led*st thy life,
and the third part of these tribes twelve
Thou got with maids besides thy wife ;
and stole thy father's bennison,
Only by fi aud t ly father frae ;
Gave thou not him for venison,
A kid instead of breaken rae ?
Jacob himself was tickled so
H e went to Lot where he was lying,
and to the gate prayed him to go,
T o staunch the carlin of her crying
Lot says fair dame make less ado,

�10
and come again another day.
Old harlot carle and drunkard too,
T h o u with thine own two daughters lay
Of thine untimely se d I say,
Proceeded nevei good hut ill.
Poor Lot for shame then stole away,
And left the wife to knock her fill,
M e e k Moses then went down at last,
T o pacify the carlin then ;
Now dame said he, knock not so fast,
Your knocking will not let you ben.
Good sir, she said, 1 am aghast,
Whene'er i look you in the f a c e ;
If that your law till now had last,
T h e n surely I had ne'er got g r a c e :
But Moses, sir, now by your leave,
although in heaven you be possesst,
For all you saw did not believe.
But you in Horeb once transgressed,
Wherefore by all it is confest.
You hut got up the land to see,
and in the mount were put to rest,
Yea buried there where you did die.
Moses meekly turned back,
and told his brother Aaron there,
H o w the old carlin did so crack,
and in no ways did him forbear.
Tl en Aaron sail), I will not swear.
But Ml conjure her as I can ;
and I will make her now forbear,
So that she shall not rap again.

�11
Then Aaron said, you whorish wife,
Get you g*one anil rap no more ;
(With idols you have led your life,)
Or then you will repent it sore,
(rood Aaron priest 1 know you well,
This golden calf you may remember.
Who made the people plagues to see*
T h e is of you recorded ever ;
your priesthood now is nothing worth,
Christ is my only priest, and he.
My lord, who shall not keep rive forth,
So I'll get in in spite of t hee.
U p started Sampson at the length,
Unto the gate apace came he,
T o drive away the wife with strength,
But all in vain it would not l&gt;e.
Sampson, quoth she, t h e world may
Thou was a j u d p e that proved unjust ;
Those gracious girts which God gave
thee,
Thou I &gt;st by thy licentious lust,
From Delila thy wicked wife,
Thy secrets chief couldst not refrain,
She daily sought to take thy life,
Thou lost thy locks and then was slain.
Though thou wast strong it was in vain
Haunted with harlots heie and there,
Then Sampson turned back again,
And with the wife would mell nae tnair,
T h e n said king David knock no more,

�12

We ara troubled with thy cry,
David quoth she, how cam'st thou
here ?
Thou migju^st bide out as well as I,
Thy dee,is no ways thou canst deny,
Is not thy sin far worse than mine ?
Who with Uriah's wife did lie,
And caus'cj him to be murder'd synt?,
Then Jeditii said who's there that
knocks, ?
, ?
And to our n e i g h b o u r t h e s e notes
Madam said she k t he your macks,
I came not here for qntting throats:
I am a sinner full of blots,
Yet through Chiist's blood I shall be
clean.
If you and I be judged by votes,
T h e thing you did was worse than mine
Then said the sapient Solomon,
Thou art a sinner all men say,
Therefore our Saviour, I suppose.
Thee heavenly entrance will deny,
Mind quoth she thy latter days,
What idol gods thou did upset,
And wast so lewd in Venus' plays,
Thou didst thy maker quite forget.
Then Jonas said fair dame content
you,
If you intend to come to grace.
You must dree penance and repent you
Ere you conae within tins place.

�13
Jonas quoth she how stands the case ?
How came you here to be with Christ?
How dare you look me in the face ?
Considering how you broke your tryst,
To go God's ei rand thou withstood him
And heldfhis council in disdain ;
The raven messenger thou play'd him,
And brought noitBtssage back again
With meray'thou wast Bot; darken t*.
When that the Lord i t e did them spare
Although the city did repent,
It grieved tbieAhy he!ai?t was sair :
Let me alone and speakt no more,
Go back again in:© the whale,
For now my heart is^ako gorej
]&gt;ut yet I hope 1 shall prevail.
Good Jonas said crack on your fill,
For here I may no longer tarry,
Y£t knock as long as e'er you will,
And go into a firry farry.
Jonas she says ye do miscarry,
As I have done in former time,
You're no Saint Peter nor Saint Mary,
T h y blot's as black as ever mine,
So Jonas then he was asham'd,
Because he was not fly ting free,
Oi all his faults she had him blam'd
He left the wife and let her be.
Saint Thomas then / council thee,
Go speak unto yon wicked wife,
She shames u s all, aad as for me,
to*

�14
Her like I never heard all my life.
Thomas then said, you make such
din,
When you are out, and meikle din
If you were here, P11 lay my life.
No peace the saints would get within}
I t is your trade for to be fly ting,
Still in a fever as one raves.
N o marvel though you wives be biting,
Your tongues are ma le of a*pen leaves
Thomas quoth she, let be your taunts,
You play the pick-thank I perceive,
Though ye be brother to the saints,
An unbelieving heart you have ;
Thou brought the Lord unto the grave.
But wouht no more with him remain,
And wast the last of all the lave,
T h a t did believe he rose again,
There mi^ht no doctrine do thee good,
Nor miracles make thee confide,
Till thou beheld Christ's wounds and
blood,
And put'st thy hands unto his side ;
Didst thou not daily with him bide,
And see the wonders which he wrought
But blest are they who do confide,
And do believe yet saw him n o t ;
Thoma.«, she says, will you speei,
If that my sister Magdalene,
Will come to me if she be here ;
For comfort sure you give me nane.

�15
H e was so blythe he turned back f
and thanked God that he was gane,
He had no will to hear her crack t
But told it Mary Magdalene.
When she did hear her sister's mocks,
She went unto the gate with speed :
and asked her who is't that knocks?
*Tis I, the wife of Btith indeed,
She said g ood mistress you must stand
Till ye be tried by tiibuhtioiV.
Sister, quoth she, g w e me your hand,
are we not both of one vocation?
It is not through your occupation,
That you are placet! so divine,
My faith is fixed on Christ's passion.
My soul shail be as safe as thine.
Then Mary went away in haste,
T h e carlin made her so aslram'd,
She had no will of such a guest,
T o lose her pains and be so blamed.
Now good St. Paul, said Magdalenet
-Because you are a learned man,
Go and convince this woman then,
For I have done all that I can :
Sure if she were in hell I doubt,
They would not keep her longer there
Cut to the gate would turn hei out ;
and send her back to be elsewhere.
Then went the good apostle Paul,
T o put the wife in better tune.
Wash off the filth that fylea thy soul,

�,

16

Then shall heav'n's gates be open soon.
Remember Paul what thou hast idone,
For the epistles thou didst compile,
Though now thou sittest up above,
Thou persecuted Christ awhile.
Woman he said, thou art not r%ht f
That which I did, I did not know;
But thou did sin with all thy might ,
Although th^ preachers did thee show,
Saint Paul, rhe said, it is not So,
I did not know as well asye,
But I will to my Saviour go;
Who will his favour show to mfe ;
You think you are of flvting free,
Because you were wrapt up above.
But yet it was Christ's grace to thee,
and matchlessness of his dear love,
Then, Paul she says let Peter come,
If he be lying let him rise,
To him I will confess my sin.
and let him quickly bring the keys.
Too long I stand, he'll let me in,
Fcr why I cannot longer tarry,
Then shall ye ail be quit of din,
For I must speak with good saint Mary.
The good apostle discontent,
Right suddenly he turned back,
For he did very much repent,
T o hear the carhn proudly crack,
Paul says good brother now arise,
and make an end of all this din,

�17
And if be so you have the keys,
Open and l ?l the p ^ i g ^ g iprdm oT
T h e apostle Paul arose at last,
and to the gate with speed he he hies*:
Carlin quoth he knock not so fast,
You cumber Mary with your cries.
Peter she said let Christ arise,
and grant me mercy in my need ;
For why, 1 ne'er denied him thrice,
as though thyself hast don?e indeed..
Thou calling bold what's that to thee ?
1 got remission for my sin ;
It cost many sad tears to me,
Before I entered here within.
/ 1 will not be thy m uckle din,
W ill cause heaven ^ates opened be,
Thou must be purified of sin ;
and of all sins must be made free.
Saint Peter then its nought to you
That you were rid of your fears,
It was Christ's gracious look I trow
That made ye wipe those bitter tears,
T h e door of mercy is not closed,
I may get grace as well as ye,
It is not so as ye supposed
/ will be in, in jspiite } Jsh&amp;f&amp;o odW
But wicked wife it is too late,
Thou shouldest have mourn'd upon
earth,
Repentance now is out of date :
/ 1 should have been before thy death ;

�18
Thau mightest then have turned wrath
T o mercy then and mercy £feat,
But now the Lord is very loth,
and all thy crys not worth a jot.
Ah ! Peter then what shall I do?
H e will not hear me as i hear,
Shall I despair of mercy too!
No, no, 1,11 trust in mercy d e a r :
and if I perish here I'll stay,
and never go from heaven bright;
I'll ever hope and always pray,
Tntil 1 get my Saviour's sight.
I think indeed you now are right,
if you had faith you would win in ;
Importune then with all your mi^ht,
Faith is the feet wherewith you come.
It is che hands will hoi i him fast
But weak faith never may presume ;
'Twill let you sink and be aghast.
Stongly believe, &lt; r your undone.
But good Saint Peter, let me be,
Had you &amp;m:h faith did it abound ?
When you did walk upon the sea,
Were ye not lik iiy to he drown'd ?
Had not our Saviour helped thee,
Who came and took thee by the hand ;
So c*n my Lord do ui to me,
and bring- me to the promised land,
Is my faith weak ? Yea he is still
T h e same and ever shall remain ;
His mercies last and his good will,

�w

T o bring me to his flock again;
He will me help and me relieve,
and will increase my faith also,
If weakly J can but believe,
For from this place Til never go.
But Peter said how can that be*
How dar'st thou look him in the face ?
Such horrid sinners like to thee,
Can have no courage to have grace ;
Here none comes in but they that's
stout,
and suffer'd have for the good cause?
Like unto thee are keeped cut.
For thou hast kroken all Moses* laws.
Peter she said, 1 do appeal,
From Moses and from thee also,
With him and you Ml not prevail,
But to my Saviour 1 will go;
Indeed of old you were right stout,
When ysu did cut off Malchtis' ear ;
But after that you went about.
And a poor maid then did you fear.
Wherefore Saint Peter do forbear,
A comforter indee 1 your n o t ;
Let me alone, 1 do not fear,
Take home the wissd of your g r o a t ;
Was it your o\rn or Paul's good sword
When that your courage was so keen,
You were ri^ht stout upon my word,
Then you would fain at fishing been j
For ere the crowing of the cock,

�20
You 4id deny your master thrice.
For all your stoutness turned: a block,
Now flyte no more if ye be wise.
Yet at the last the Lord arose,
Environ§d with angels bright.
And to the wife in haste he goes,
l i e f i ^ d her to pass out of sight,
() Lord quoth she, cause me do right
But not according to my sin,
tlave yoi) not promised day and night,
When sinners knocks t j let them in ?
v He said thou wrests the scriptures
wrong.
The night is come thou spent the day
In whoredom thou hast lived lon£,
And do repent thou didst d e l a y ;
Still my commandments thou abus'd
And vice committed busily,
Since now,my mercy thou refused,
Go down to hell eternally,
O Lord, my sou! doth testify,
That I have spent my life in vain ;
Ah ! mak^ a wandering sheep of me,
And bring me to thy flock again.
I'nink'st thou tbore is no count to
crave,
Of all th;e#e gifts in thee was planted,
I gave thee beauty 'hove*the lave,
A pregnant wit thou ntver ro anted.
Master, quoth she it must be granted,
My sins are great give me contrition ;

�M

The forlorn son when he repented.
Obtain'd his father's full remission.
I spar'd my judgment many times,
And sp'ritual pastors did thee send ;
Hut thou renew'd'st thy former crimes,
Aye more and more me to offend.
My Lord, quoth she, I do amend,
Lamenting for my former vice,
The poor thief at the latter end,
For one word went to paradise.
T h e t hief heard never of my teachings,
My heavenly precepts and my laws,
But thou wast daily at my preachings,
Both heard and saw and yet misknowl,
Master quoth she the scriptures shows,
T h ie J e w i sh w o m a n w h 0 p I ay' d t h e 1 o w ii
Conform unto the Hebrew laws,
Was brought to thee to he put down ;
Y ut nevertheless thou let 4 st her go,
And made the P h a r k e e ^ afraid.
Indeed, says Christ, it was right so,
And that my bidding was obey'd,
Woman, he sail), I may not cast,
The chi 1 dren's bread to dog's like thee,
Although my mercics yet do last,
There's mercy here but none for thee,
But, loving Lord, may I presume,
Poor worm, that I may speak again,
The dogs for hunger were undone,
Arid for the crumbs they were right
fain ;

�22
Grant me one crumb that then doth fall
From thy blest children's table Lord,
That I may be lefresh'd withal,
It will me help enough afford.
The gates of mercy now are clos'd,
And thou canst hardly enter in ;
It is not so as thou supposed.
For thou art deadly sick in sin.
*Tis true indeed my lord most meek,
My sore and sickness 1 do f e e l ;
Yet thou the lamb dost truly seek,
Who lay long* at Bethseda's pool,
Of that thee never sought,
Like to the poor Samaritan;
Whom thou into thy fold has brought,
Even as thou didst the widow of Nain :
Most giacious God, didst thou not bid
All that were weary eorre to thee ?
Behold I come! even oVrload
With sin, have mercy upon me.
The issues of tiw soul are great,
Thou art both leprous and unclean,
To be with me thou art not fit,
Go from me then, let me alone.
Let me thy garments once but touch,
My bloody issue will be whole,
It will not cost thee very much,
To Fave a poor distressed soul.
Speak thou the word I shall be vhole,
One look of thee shall do me good,
Save now good lord my silly soul,

�23
Bought with thine own most precious
blood.
L e t me alone, none of my blood,
Was ever shed for such as thee,
I t was my mercy patience good.
Which from damnation sec them free.
I t is confest thou hast been just,
Altho 4 thou had condemned m e ;
But O ! thy mercies still do last,
T o save the soul that tiust in thee :
Let me not then condemned be.
Most humbly Lord, I thee request,
O f sinners all none, like me,
So much the more thy praise shall last,
Thy praising me is profite,
My saints shall praise me e v e r m o r e :
In sinners I have no delight,
Such sacrifice 1 do abhor.
T h e n she unto the Lord did say,
At footstool of thy grace Ml lie ;
Sweet Lord my God sav me not nay,
For if I perish here I'll die.
Poor silly wretch then speak no mor*
Thy faith poor soul hath saved thee ;
Enter thou into my glory,
And rest through all eternity.
How soon our Saviour these words
said,
A lon«r white robe to her was given
And then the angels did her lead
Forthwith within the gates of heaven

�24
A laurel crown set on her Head.
Spangled with rubies and with gold ;
A bright white palm she always had,
Glorious itWas for to behold ;
Her face did shine like to the sun,
like threads of gold her hair hung dpwn
Her eyes like lamps unto the moon :
Of precious stones ri Jh Was her croVHi,
Angels and saints did welcome her,
:The heavenly choir did sing rejoice ;
King David w ith his harp was t h e r e ;
The silver bells gave a great noise.
Such music and such melody,
Was neither ever heard or seen,
When this poor saint was plac'd t o high
:And of her sins made freely clean ;
But then when thus she Was p&lt;issest,
And looked back on all 11er fears,
And that she was come to her rest,
KreeM from her sins, and all her tears,
She from her head did take the crown,
Giving all praise to Christ on high,
Amd a t I vis feet-she laid it down,
For that the Lamb hath made her free,
Now doth she sing triumphantly,
And shall rejoice for eventiore
O'er death and hell victoriously,
With lasting spirits laid in store.
*

.

FINIS. .

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                <text>The Wife of Beith; With a description of her Journey to Heaven.</text>
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                <text>[1840-1850?] per National Library of Scotland</text>
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                <text>a bound collection of 54 chapbooks</text>
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                <text>&lt;a title="University of Glasgow Union Catalogue of Scottish Chapbooks" href="http://special.lib.gla.ac.uk/chapbooks/search/"&gt;University of Glasgow Union Catalogue of Scottish Chapbooks&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>In the public domain; For high quality reproductions, contact Archival &amp; Special Collections, University of Guelph. libaspc@uoguelph.ca, 519-824-4120, Ext. 53413</text>
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                    <text>��TILLS;

LIFE
OF

SIR WILLIAM WALLACE,
T H E SCOTS

PATRIOT.

EDINBURGH:
MINTED

BY

OLIVER

&amp;

BOYP5

JSETIIERBOTr,
1808 t

��PREFACE.

THE man does not exist, whose mind is not influenced b y
intercourse with the vicious or the good in common life, b y
contemplating the characters exhibited in the volume o f
history, and even b y considering the imputed behaviour
of those imaginary beings whom fiction often presents
to the view in works of fancy. From this fact the
maxim has been deduced, that example is more powerful than precept; and in my opinion, the principle is
capable of being carried into frequent practice with the
most salutary consequences.
Tne philosopher may investigate and enunciate the
doctrines of morality ; the ministers of religion may
preach, the poet may declaim in favour of virtue; but
he who acts well confers, I think, the most unquestionable benefit on mankind. It is for this reason that I
have presumed to aim at giving a short account of an individual o f this last description. There is no name in
the records of his country, perhaps in the annals of human greatness, which can be mentioned as superior to
that of WALLACE. He was endowed with every virtue
ef which humanity can boast as the attribute o f a nature

2

�i?
that is immortal. Every quality of man that excites
love, and admiration, and wonder, unites in the formation of his character; every feeling that is praise-worthy
constituted the sanctifying source of his actions: and when
w e peruse the page o f history in which his exploits ar£
recorded, we are engaged in an employment that is calculated to awaken emotions in our minds of the most e x alted description. I have been prompted, by these considerations, to compile, &lt;*ind to present the following little
Work to the public. I f the force of example is universal, if the contemplation of virtue is beneficial, and if
the Life of Sir William Wallace is an interesting picture
o f human excellence, it seems a justifiable proceeding to
display, even though obscurely, the glory of his name.
There is not* at the present day, any work descriptive of the deeds and character of Wallace, sufficiently
disjoined from the general history of Scotland, and at
the same time unpolluted with a mixture o f fable. A
simple and authentic narrative of the Life of this wonderful Hero seems therefore much wanted in the present
circumstances of our country. An attempt is now made
to supply the deficiency. This little volume, however, is
not calculated for the perusal of the learned and the fastidious ; it is a humble compilation from various historical writings, in which the events alluded to are more
particularly detailed : it is presented to the youthful and
unlettered part of our countrymen, for the purpose of
communicating some knowledge of a man who cheerfully
encountered danger, sufferings, and death, for the deliverance of his country.
It is unnecessary to enumerate authorities in a preface
to a popular compilation, or to load such a work with

�y
marginal references: it may be sufficient to say in general, that the most respectable historians have been consulted, and,that no fabulous circumstance has been admitted, that could be distinguished as such by the a p plication of the usual standards of historical truth to the
annals of a remote period. I am aware o f very many
imperfections in this my little production;—some o f them
arising from the nature of the subject, and others from
my own inability to do it justice. F o r those of the first
class, I expect a rational indulgence; for those o f the
latter, I presume to seek a refuge from severe blame in
the propriety of my intentions. In particular, I expect
that a generous forgiveness for many blemishes will readily be granted, when the probable utility o f such a
publication as the present is considered. The times in
which we live are awful. A tyrant has arisen from the
ruins of liberty in his own country, and now waves his
desolating sword over Europe. Endowed with talents,
and borne upon a tide of fortune that might have enabled
him to be the greatest benefactor o f his species, he has
become the scourge and oppressor of mankind. Already
are most of the nations of Europe prostrate before him.
The lofty spirit o f Spain is degraded : without one
struggle, noble though unsuccessful, she has submitted
to the yoke o f Bonaparte. Portugal is the nest of monks
and earthworms, who dare not even look as if they could
meditate resistance to his dominion. Italy groans beneath his yoke. His banners float above the Capitol at
R o m e , and tell us that there is now no Brutus to avenge
the wrongs o f his country. The mountains o f Switzerland could not protect their sons from his perfidy : tha
freedom which was consecrated by its origin, its gran*

3

�vi
deur, and its utility, had no charm to guard it from his
lawless violence. Germany has forgotten her ancient
honour, and, half corrupted, half subdued, has sunk, by
a single blow, beneath the arm of her adversary. Another mighty kingdom hath fallen : Prussia is no longer
an independent nation : by the errors and misfortunes of
one day she hath consummated at once the dominion of
France and her own humiliation. Russia alone, on the
continent of Europe, finds temporary security from ruin
in the virtues of her sovereign, in the remoteness of her
empire, and in the boundless extent of her wildernesses,
which almost bid defiance to the wishes of ambition.
Thus circumstanced, Bonaparte threatens ere long to
turn against Britain all the engines of destruction, and to
pour out on us all the phials of his wrath. Ileaven in
mercy has spread the ocean around us ; and every billow
stands a bulwark of defence against this destroyer of
mankind. Y e t the power of Europe directed against us
is tremendous and the day may come when the people
o f this country must stand " a wall of fire around our
" much-loved isle." Should that day ever come, may
the flame which animated Wallace's bosom burn in every
British heart: it will brighten our triumph, or illuminate
our fall.

EDINBURGH,?
Feb, 130T. $

�INTRODUCTION.

B E F O R E entering on the narrative of particulars connected with the Life of Wallace, it
seems necessary to give a short view of the state
of his country's affairs at the time he arose and
struggled for her independence. This will enable the reader to keep in mind the justice of
the warrior's cause, while he follows him in
his high career ; and, as a contrast, it will present, in its native deformity, that political immorality which is ever practised by ambitious
men, who seek dominion and fame at the expence of justice.
The great enemy of Scotland's peace and
freedom, whom it was Wallace's glory to oppose, was Edward I. of England. That monarch was the most politic, ambitious, and
warlike of his age. During the feeble and tiu
multuous reign of his father, Henry III. his

�8
political craftiness had been fostered by the
circumstances under which he appeared in public life. An unprincipled oligarchy invaded
the privileges of the crown which he was one
day to wear ; and before he could wield the
regal sceptre, he was constrained to tear it
from the hands of faction. The native ambition of his soul was inflamed by the martial
spirit of the age in which he lived : it derived
additional ardour from the enthusiasm w hich a
crusade to the Holy Land communicated; and
that desire to promote human happiness, which
is the characteristic of truly great minds, and
which makes ambition godlike, never seems
to have animated his bosom. His ambition w as
the narrow, selfish, and contemptible passion,
which has its own aggrandisement alone in
view: and it is a remarkable fact, that although
he was one of the most arbitrary and cruel ruffians that ever disgraced royalty, he, to eiFect
his own purposes, and perhaps unintentionally, established those laws and institutions
which have been found to be the strongest bulwarks against arbitary and lawless power in
Britain. 4 He took care (says Mr Hume) that
4 his subjects should do justice to each other;
* buthe desired always to haye his own hands free

�9
in all Ms transactions, both with them and
with his neighbours.'
Such was the man who formed the design of
humbling an ancient and independent nation.
The pretext, (and no villain wants a pretext for
his iniquities), the pretext which he held out to
the world for his invasion of the liberty of
Scotland, will be very satisfactorily understood,
by a perusal of the following extracts from Mr
Hume's Ilistoryof England. They contain, at
the same time, an admirable picture of the circumstances which called the genius of Wallace
into action, and may with propriety, therefore, be adopted as a fit introduction to an account of his life.
4 Though the government of Scotland had
been continually exposed to those factions and
convulsions which are incident to all barbarous, and to many civilized nations, and though
the successions of their kings, the only part of
their history which deserves any credit, had
often been disordered by irregularities and usurpations, the true heir of the royal family
had still in the end prevailed ; and Alexander
III. who had espoused the sister of Edward,
probably inherited, after a period of about
eight hundred years, and through a succession
c

c

�10
©f males, the sceptre of all the Scottish princes
who had governed the nation since its first e«
stablishment in the island. This prince died in
1286, by a fall from his horse, at Kinghorn,
without leaving any male issue, and without
any descendant, except Margaret, born of Eric king of Norway, and of Margaret, daughter of the Scottish monarch. This princess,
commonly called the Maid of Norway, though
a female, an infant, and a foreigner, yet being
the lawful heir of the kingdom, had, through
her grandfather's care, been recognised sue™
cessor by the states of Scotland: and on A«
lexander's death, the dispositions which had
been previously made against that event appeared so just and prudent, that no disorders,
as might naturally be apprehended, ensued in
the kingdom. Margaret was acknowledged
queen of Scotland. Five guardians, the bishops of St Andrew's and Glasgow, the earls
of Fife and Buchan, and James steward of
Scotland, entered peaceably upon the administration : and the infant princess, under the
protection of Edward her great uncle, and
Eric her father, who exerted themselves on
this occasion, seemed firmly seated on the throne
©f Scotland. The English monarch was natu-

�11
rally led to build mighty projects on this incident ; and having lately, by force of arms,
brought Wales under subjection, he attempted, by the marriage of Margaret with his eldest son Edward, to unite the whole island
into one monarchy, and thereby to give it security both against domestic convulsions and
foreign invasions.
c The amity which had of late prevailed between the two nations, and which, even in
former times, had never been interrupted by
any violent wars or injuries, facilitated extremely the execution of this project, so favourable to the happiness and grandeur of both
kingdoms ; and the states of Scotland readily
gave their assent to the English proposals, and
even agreed that their young sovereign should
be educated in the court of Edward. Anxious,
however, for the liberty and independence of
their country, they took care to stipulate very
equitable conditions, ere they entrusted themselves into the hands of so great and so ambitious a monarch. It was agreed, that they
should enjoy all their ancient laws, liberties,
and customs; that in case young Edward and
Margaret should die without issue, the crown
®f Scotland should revert to the next heir- and

�12
should be inherited by him free and independent ; that the military tenants of the crown
should never be obliged to go out of Scotland, in
order to do homage to the sovereign of the
united kingdoms ; nor the chapters of cathedral, collegiate, or conventual churches^ in
order to make elections ; that the parliaments
summoned for Scottish affairs should always
be held within the bounds of that kingdom; and
that Edward should bind himself, under tha
penalty of 100,000 merks, payable to the pops
for the use of the holy wars, to observe all
these articles. It is not easy to conceive that
two nations could have treated more on a foot
of equality, than Scotland and England maintained during the whole course of this transaction : and though Edward gave his assent to
the article concerning the future independency
of the Scottish crown, with a saving of his former rights, this reserve gave no alarm to the
nobility of Scotland, both because these rights,
having hitherto been little heard of, had occasioned no disturbance, and because the Scots
had so near a prospect of seeing them entirely
absorbed in the rights of their sovereignty.
c But this project, so happily formed and so
amicably conducted, failed of succcss, by th&amp;

�13
sudden death of the Norwegian princess, who expired on her passage to Scotland, (1291), and
left a very dismal prospect to the kingdom.
Though disorders were for the present obviated
by the authority of the regency formerly established, the succession itself of the crown
was now become an object of dispute; and
the regents could not expect that a controversy, which is not usually decided by reason and
argument alone, would be peaceably settled
by them, or even by the states of the kingdom, amidst so many powerful pretenders.
The posterity of William king of Scotland,
the prince taken prisoner by Henry II. being
all extinct by the death of Margaret of Norway, the right to the crown devolved on the
issue of David earl of Huntingdon, brother
to William, whose male line being also extinct,
left the succession open to the posterity of his
daughters. The earl of Huntingdon had three
daughters : Margaret, married to Alan lord of
Galloway ; Isabella, wife of Robert Brus or
Bruce lord of Annandale ; and Adama, who
espoused Henry Lord Hastings. Margaret,
the eldest of the sisters, left one daughter, Divergilda, married to John Baliol, by whom
she had a son of the same name, one of the
B

�14
present competitors for the crown : Isabella,
the second, bore a son, Robert Bruce, who
was now alive, and who also insisted on his
claim: Adama, the third, left a son, John
Hastings, who pretended that the kingdom of
Scotland, like many other inheritances, was
divisible among the three daughters of the earl
of Huntingdon, and that he, in right of his
mother, had a title to a third of it. Balioland
Bruce united against Hastings, in maintaining
that the kingdom was indivisible ; but each of
them, supported by plausible reasons, asserted
the preference of his own title. Baliol was
sprung from the elder branch : Bruce was one
degree nearer the common stock : if the principle of representation was regarded, the former had the better claim j if propinquity
was considered, the latter was entitled to the
preference: the sentiments of men were divided : all the nobility had taken part on one side
or the otheri the people followed implicitly
their leaders : the two claimants themselves
had great power and numerous retainers in Scotland : and it is no wonder that, among a rude
people, more accustomed to arms than enured to
laws, a controversy of this nature, which could
»ot be decided by any former precedent among

�15
them, and which is capable of exciting commotions in the most legal and best established
governments, should threaten the state with
the most fatal convulsions.
J i c Each century has its peculiar mode in conducting business ; and men, guided more by
custom than by reason, follow, without enquiry, the manners which are prevalent in their
own time. The practice of that age, in controversies between states and princes, seems to
frave been, to choose a foreign prince as an equal arbiter, by whom the question was decided, and whose sentence prevented those
dismal confusions and disorders inseparable
ait all times from war, but which were multiplied an hundred fold, and dispersed into every
comer, by the nature of the feudal governments. It was thus that the English king and
barons, in the preceding reign, had endeavoured to compose their dissensions by a reference
to the king of France ; and the celebrated integrity of that monarch had prevented all the
bad effects which might natiirally have been
dreaded from so perilous an expedient. It was
thus that the kings of France and Arragon,
and afterwards other princes, had submitted
their controversies to Edward's judgment; and
0

�16
the remoteness of their states, the great power
of the princes, and the little interest which he
had on either side, had indnced him to acquit
himself with honour in his decisions. The parliament of Scotland, therefore, threatened with
a furious civil war, and allured by the great
reputation of the English monarch, as well as
by the present amicable correspondence between the kingdoms, agreed in making a reference to Edward; and Fraser bishop of St
Andrew's, with other deputies, was sent to notify to him their resolution, and to claim his
good offices in the present dangers to which
they were exposed. His inclination, they flattered themselves, led him to prevent their dissensions, and to interpose with a power which
none of the competitors would dare to withstand. When this expedient was proposed by
one party, the other deemed it dangerous to
object to it: indifferent persons thought that
the imminent perils of a civil war would thereby be prevented: and no one reflected 011 the
ambitious character of Edward, and the almost
certain ruin which must attend a small state,
divided by faction, when it thus implicitly submits itself to the will of so powerful and encroaching a neighbour.

�17
4 The temptation was too strong for the virtue of the English monarch to resist. He purposed to lay hold of the present favourable opportunity, and if not to create, at least to re»
vi-ve- his claim of a feudal superiority over
Scotland ; a claim which had hitherto lain in
the deepest obscurity, and which, if ever it
Itad been an object of attention, or had been
so much as suspected, would have effectually
prevented the Scottish barons from choosing
Mm for an umpire. He well knew, that if
this pretension were once submitted to, as it
seemed difficult, in the present situation of
Scotland, to oppose it, the absolute sovereignty
©f that kingdom (which had been the case with
Wales) would soon follow; and that one great
vassal, cooped up in an island with his liege
lord, without resource from foreign powers4,
without aid from any fellow vassals, could not
long maintain his dominions against the efforts
of a mighty kingdom, assisted by all the cavils which the feudal law afforded his superior
against him. In pursuit of this great object, very
advantageous to England, perhaps in the end no
less beneficial to Scotland, but extremely unjust
and iniquitous in itself, Edward busied himself
Ip searching for proofs of his pretended supe.

�18
riority ; and instead of looking into his own
archives, which, if his claim had been real,
must have afforded him numerous records of
the homages done by the Scottish princes,
and could alone yield him any authentic testimony, he made all the monasteries be ransacked for old chronicles and histories written by
Englishmen, and he collected all the passages
which seemed anywise to favour his pretensions. Yet even in this method of proceeding,
which must have discovered to himself the injustice of his claim, he was far from being fortunate. He began his proofs from the time of
Edward the Elder, and continued them through
all the subsequent Saxon and Norman times ;
but produced nothing to his purpose. The
whole amount of his authorities during the
Saxon period, when stripped of the bombast
and inaccurate style of the monkish historians,
is, that the Scots had sometimes been defeated
by the English, had received peace on disadvantageous terms, had made submissions to the
English monarch, and had even perhaps fallen
into some dependence on a power which was
so much superior, and which they had not at
that time sufficient force to resist. His authorities from the Norman period were, if possible,

�19
still less conclusive: the historians indeed make
frequent mention of homage done by the northern potentate, but no one of them says that it
was done for his kingdom ; and several of them
declare, in express terms, that it was relative
only to the fiefs which he enjoyed south of the
Tweed; in the same manner as the king of
England himself swore fealty to the French
monarch, for the fiefs which he inherited in
France. And to such scandalous shifts was
Edward deduced, that he quotes a passage from
Hoveden, where it is asserted that a Scottish
king had done homage to England; but he
purposely omits the latter part of the sentence,
which expresses, that this prince did homage
for the lands which he held in England.
c When William king of
Scotland, was
taken prisoner in the battle of Alnwic, he was
obliged, for the recovery of his liberty, to
Swear fealty to the victor for his crown itself.
The deed was performed according to all the
rites of the feudal law: the record was preserved in the English archives, and is mentioned
by all the historians : but as it is the only one
of the kind, and as historians speak of this superiority as a great acquisition gained by the
fortunate arms of Henry II. there can remain

�20
no doubt, that the kingdom of Scotland was,
in all former periods, entirely free and independent. Its subjection continued a very few
years. King Richard, desirous, before his departure for the Holy Land, to conciliate the
friendship of William, renounced that homage,
which, he says in express terms, had been extorted by his father; and he only retained the
usual homage which had been done by the
Scottish princes for the lands which they held
in England.
&lt; But though this transaction rendered the independence of Scotland still more unquestionable than if no fealty had ever been sworn to the
English crown, the Scottish kings, apprized of
the point aimed at by their powerful neighbours,
seem, for along time, to have retained some jealousy on that head, and, in doing homage, to
have anxiously obviated all such pretensions.
When William, in 1200, did homage to John
at Lincoln, he was careful to insert a salvo for
his royal dignity : when Alexander III. sent
assistance to his father-in-law, Henry III. during the wars of the barons, he previously procured an acknowledgment, that this aid was
granted only from friendship, not from any
right claimed by the English monarch: and

�21
when the same prince was invited to assist at
the coronation of this very Edward, he declined
attendance, till he received a like acknowledgement.
c But as all these reasons (and stronger could
not be produced) were but a feeble rampart against the power of the sword, Edward, carrying with him a great army, which was to enforce his proofs, advanced to the frontiers,
and invited the Scottish parliament, and all
the competitors, to attend him in the castle of
Norliam, a place situated on the southern
banks of the Tweed, in order to determine that
cause which had been referred to his arbitration. But though this deference seemed due
to so great a monarch, and was no more than
what his father and the English barons had,
in . similar circumstances, paid to Lewis I X .
the king, careful not to give umbrage, and determined never to produce his claim till it
should be too late to think of opposition, sent
the Scottish barons an acknowledgment, that,
though at that time they passed the frontiers,
this step should never be drawn into precedent,
or afford the English kings a pretence for exacting alike submission in any future transaction. When the whole Scottish nation had

�22
thus unwarily put themselves in his power,
Edward opened the conferences at Norham.
He informed the parliament, by the mouth of
Roger le Brabancon, his chief justiciary, that
he was come thither to determine the right among the competitors to their crown ; that he
was determined to do strict justice to all parties ; and that he was entitled to this authority, not in virtue of the reference made to him,
but in quality of superior and liege-lord of the
kingdom. He then produced his proofs of this
superiority, which he pretended to be unquestionable, and he required of them an acknowledgment of it; a demand which was superfluous, if the fact were already known and avowed, and which plainly betrays Edward's
consciousness of his lame and defective title.
The Scottish parliament was astonished at so
new a pretension, and answered only by their
silence. But the king, in order to maintain
the appearance of free and regular proceedings,
desired them to remove into their own country,
to deliberate upon his claim, to examine his
proofs, to propose all their objections, and
to inform him of their resolution : and he appointed a plain at Upsettleton, on the northern banks of the Tweed, for that purpose.

�23
c When the Scottish barons assembled in this
place, though moved with indignation at the
injustice of this unexpected claim, and at the
fraud with which it had been conducted, they
found themselves betrayed into a situation, in
which it was impossible for them to make any
defence for the ancient liberty and independence of their country. The king of England,
a martial and politic prince, at the head of a
powerful army, lay at a very small distance,
and was only separated from them by a river,
fordable in many places. Though by a sudden
flight some of them might themselves be able to
make their escape, what hopes could they entertain of securing the kingdom against his future enterprises ? Without a leader, without
union among themselves, attached all of them
to different competitors, whose title they had
rashly submitted to the decision of this foreign
usurper, and who were thereby reduced to an
absolute dependence upon him ; they could
only expect, by resistance, to entail on them* selves and their posterity a more grievious and
more destructive servitude. Yet, even in this
desperate state of their affairs, the Scottish
barons, as we learn from Walsingham, one of
the best historians of that period., had the cou-

�26
rage to reply, tliat, till they had a king, they
could take no resolution on so momentous a
point. The journal of king Edward says
that they made no answer at all ; that is, perhaps, no particular answer or objection to
Edward's claim : and by this solution it is possible to reconcile the journal with the historian. The king, therefore, interpreting their si.,
lence as consent, addressed himself to the several competitors, and pevious to his pronouncing sentence, required their acknowledgment
of his superiority.
It is evident from the genealogy of the royal
family of Scotland, that there could only be
two questions about the succession; that between Baliol and Bruce on the one hand, and
Lord Hastings on the other, concerning the partition of the crown ; and that between Baliol
and Bruce themselves, concerning the preference of their respective titles, supposing the
kingdom indivisible : yet there appeared on
this occasion no less than nine claimants besides; John Comyn, or Cummin, lord of
Badenoch, Florence earl of Holland, Patrio
Dunbar earl of March, William de Vescey,
Robert de Pynkeni, Nicholas de Soules, Patrie Galythly, Roger de Mandeville, Robert
6

�25
de Ross ; not to mention the king of Norway,
who claimed as heir to'his daughter Margaret.
Some of these competitors were descended from
more remote branches of the royal family;
others were even sprung from illegitimate children ; and as none of them had the least pretence of right, it is natural to conjecture,
that Edward had secretly encouraged them to
appear in the list of claimants, that he might
sow the more division among the Scottish nobility, make the cause appear the more intricate, and be able to choose, among a great
number, the most obsequious candidate.
6 But he soon found them all equally obsequious on this occasion. Robert Bruce was the
first who acknowledged Edward's right of superiority over Scotland; and he had so far
foreseen the king's pretensions, that even in
his petition, where he set forth his claim to
the crown, he had previously applied to him
as a liege-lord of the kingdom ; a step which
was not taken by any of the other competitors. They all, however, with seeming willingness, made a like acknowledgment, when
required; though Baliol, lest he should give
offence to the Scottish nation, had taken care
to be absent during the first days: and he was
C

�26
the last that recognized the king's title. Edward next deliberated concerning the method
of proceeding in the discussion of this great
controversy. He gave orders, that Baliol,
and such of the competitors as adhered to him,
should choose forty commissioners; Bruce and
his adherents forty more : to these the king
added twenty-four Englishmen. He ordered
these hundred and four commissioners to examine the cause deliberately among themselves,
and make their report to him : and he promised
in the ensuing year to give his determination.
Meanwhile he pretended that it was requisite
to have all the fortresses of Scotland delivered
into his hands, in order to enable him, without
opposition, to put the true heir in possession
of the crown ; and this exorbitant demand was
complied with, both by the states and by the
claimants. The governors also^of all the castles immediately resigned their command ; except Umfreville earl of Angus, who refused,
without a formal and particular acquittal from
the parliament and the several claimants, to
surrender his fortresses to so domineering an
arbiter, who had given to Scotland so many
just reasons of suspicion. Before this assembly broke up, which had fixed such a mark of

�27
dishonour on the nation, all the prelates and
barons there present swore fealty to Edward ;
and that prince appointed commissioners to receive a like oath from all the other barons and
persons of distinction in Scotland.
The king having finally made, as he imagined, this important acquisition, left the commissioners to sit at Berwick, and examine the
titles of the several competitors who claimed
the precarious crown, which Edward was
willing for some time to allow the lawful heir
to enjoy. He went southwards, both in order to assist at the funeral of his mother, queen
Eleanor, who died about this time, and to
compose some differences which had arisen among the principal nobility. Gilbert earl of
Gloucester, the greatest baron in the kingdom, had espoused the king's daughter; and
being elated by that alliance, and still more by
his own power, which, he thought, set him
above the laws, he permitted his bailiffs and
vassals to commit violence on the lands of
Humphrey Bohun earl of Hereford, who retaliated the injury by like violence. But this
was not a reign in which such illegal proceedings could pass with impunity. Edward procured a sentence against the two earls, com-

�28
mitted them both to prison, and would not restore them to their liberty till he exacted a fine
of 1000 merks from Hereford, and one of
10,000 from his Son-in-law.
6 During this interval, the titles of John
Baliol and of Robert Bruce, whose claims appeared to be the best founded among the competitors for the crown of Scotland, were the
subject of general disquisition, as well as of
debate, among the commissioners. Edward, in
order to give the greater authority to his intended decision, proposed this general question, both to the commissioners, and to all the
celebrated lawyers in Europe : Whether a person descended from the eldest sister, but further removed by one degree, wrere preferable,
in the succession of kingdoms, fiefs, and other
indivisible inheritances, to one descended from
the younger sister, but one degree nearer to
the common stock ? This was the true state of
the case; and the principle of representation
had now gained such ground every where, that
a uniform answer was returned to the king in
the affirmative. He therefore pronounced sentence in favour of Baliol ; and when Bruce,
upon this disappointment, joined afterwards
Lord Hastings, and claimed a third of the

�29
kingdom, which he now pretended to be divisible, Edward, though his interest seemed
more to require the partition of Scotland, a gain pronounced sentence in favour of BalioL
That competitor, upon renewing his oath of
fealty to England, was put in possession of
the kingdom ; all his fortresses were restored
to him ; and the conduct of Edward, both in
the deliberate solemnity of the proceedings,
and in the justice of the award, was so far unexceptionable.
6 Had the king entertained no other view
than that of establishing his superiority over
Scotland, though the iniquity of that claim
was apparent, and was aggravated by the most
egregious breach of trust, he might have fixed
his pretensions, and have left that important
acquisition to his posterity : but he immediately proceeded in such a manner, as made it evident, that, not content with this usurpation,
he aimed also at the absolute sovereignty and
dominion of the kingdom. Instead of gradually inuring the Scots to the yoke, and exerting his rights of superiority with moderation,
he encouraged all appeals to England; required king J ohn himself, by six different summonses, on trivial occasions^ to come to Lon3

�30
don ; refused him the privilege of defending
his cause by a procurator ; and obliged him to
appear at the bar of his parliament as a private
person. These humiliating demands were hitherto quite unknown to a king of Scotland :
they are, however, the necessary consequence
of vassalage by the feudal law ; and as there
was no preceding instance of such treatment
submitted to by a prince of that country, Edward must, from that circumstance alone, had
there remained any doubt, have been himself
convinced that his claim was altogether an usurpation. But his intention plainly was, to
enrage Baliol, by these indignities, to engage
him in rebellion, and to assume the dominion
of the states as the punishment of his treason
and felony. Accordingly, Baliol, though a
prince of a soft and gentle spirit, returned into
Scotland highly provoked at this usage, and
determined at all hazards to vindicate bis liberty ; and the war which soon after broke out
between France and England gave him a favourable opportunity of executing his purpose.
' Edward, conscious of the reasons of disgust which he had given to the king of Scots,
informed of the dispositions of thatpeople, and

�31
expecting the most violent effects of their resentment, which he knew he had so well merited, employed the supplies granted him by his
people in making preparations against the
hostilities of his northern neighbour. When
in this situation, he received intelligence of the
treaty secretly concluded between John and
Philip ; and though uneasy at this concurrence
of a French and Scottish war, he resolved not
to encourage his enemies by a pusillanimous behaviour, or by yielding to their united efforts.
He summoned John to perform the duty of a
vassal, and to send him a supply of forces against an invasion from France, with which
he was then threatened* He next required,
that the fortresses of Berwick, Jedborough,
and Roxborough, should be put into his hands,
as a security during the war. He cited John
to appear in an English parliament to be held
at Newcastle : and when none of these successive demands were complied with, he marched
northwards with numerous forces, 30,000 foot
and 4000 horse, to chastise his rebellious vassal. The Scottish nation, who had little reliance on the vigour and abilities of their prince,
assigned him a council of twelve noblemen, in
whose hands the sovereignty was really lodged,

�32
and who put tlie country in the best posture of
which the present distractions would admit.
A great army, composed of 40,000 infantry,
though supported only by 500 cavalry", advanced to the frontiers; and after a fruitless
attempt upon Carlisle, marched eastward to
defend those provinces which Edward was preparing to attack. But some of the most considerable of the Scottish nobles, Robert Bruce,
the father and son, the earls of March and
Angus, prognosticating the ruin of their country, from the concurrence of intestine divisions and a foreign invasion, endeavoured here
to ingratiate themselves with Edward, by an
early submission : and the king, encouraged
by this favourable incident, led his army into
the enemy^ country, and crossed the Tweed,
without opposition, at Coldstream. He then
received a message from John, by which that
prince, having now procured for himself and
his nation Pope Celestine's dispensation from
former oaths, renounced the homage which had
"been done to England, and set Edward at defiance. This bravado was but ill supported by
the military operations of the Scots. Berwick
was already taken by assault: Sir William
Douglas, the governor, was made prisoner,

�33
above 7000 of the garrison were put to the
sword : and Edward, elated by this great advantage, dispatched Earl Warrenne, with
i2,000 men, to lay siege to Dunbar, which
was defended by the flower of the Scottish nobility.
c The Scots, sensible of the importance of this
places which, if taken, laid their whole country open to the enemy, advanced with their
main army, under the command of the earls of
Buchan, Lenox, and Mar, in order to relieve
it. Warenne, not dismayed at the great superiority of their number, marched out to give
them battle, lie attacked them with great vigour ; and as undisciplined troops, when nuu
merous, are but the more exposed to a panic
upon any alarm, he soon threw them into confusion, and chaced them off the field with great
slaughter. The loss of the Scots is said to have
amounted to 20,000 men. The castle of Dunbar, with all its garrison, surrendered next
day to Edward, who, after the battle, had
brought up the main body of the English, and
who now proceeded with an assured confidence
&amp;f success. The castle of Roxborough was
yielded by James steward of Scotland ; and
that nobleman, from whom is descended the

�34
royal family of Stuart, was obliged to swear
fealty to Edward. After a feeble resistance,
the castles of Edinburgh and Stirling opened
their gates to the enemy. All the southern
parts were instantly subdued by the English :
and to enable them the better to reduce the
northern, whose inaccessible situation seemed
to give them some more security, Edward sent
for a strong reinforcement of Welsh and Irish,
who, being accustomed to a desultory kind of
war, were the best fitted to pursue the fugitive
Scots into the recesses of their lakes and mountains. But the spirit of the nation was already
Ibroken by their misfortunes; and the feeble
and timid Baliol, discontented with his own
subjects, and over-awed by the English, abandoned all those resources which his people
might yet have possessed in this extremity. He
hastened to make his submissions to Edward ;
lie expressed the deepest penitence for his disloyalty to his liege-lord ; and he made a solemn and irrevocable resignation of his crown
into the hands of that monarch. Edward
marched northwards to Aberdeen and Elgin,
without meeting an enemy : no Scotchman approached him but to pay him submission and
do him homage : even the turbulent Highland-

�35

p

ers, ever refractory to their own princes, and
averse to the restraint of laws, endeavoured to
prevent the devastation of their country, by
giving him early proofs of obedience : and Ed.
ward, having brought the whole kingdom to a
seeming state of tranquillity, returned to the
south with his army. There was a stone, to
which the popular superstition of the Scots paid
the highest veneration : all thdr kings were
seated on it when they received the rite of
inauguration: an ancient tradition assured
them, that wherever this stone was placed,
their nation should always govern : and it was
carefully preserved at Scone, as the true palladium of their monarchy, and their ultimate
resource amidst all their misfortunes. Edward
got possession of it, and carried it to England.
He gave orders to destroy the records, and all
those monuments of antiquity, which might preserve the memory of the independence of the
kingdom, and refute the English claims of superiority. The Scots pretend, that he also destroyed all the annals preserved in their convents:
but it is not probable that a nation so rude and
unpolished should be possessed of any history
which deserves much to be regretted. The
great seal of Baliol was broken • and that

�36
prince himself was carried prisoner to London^
and committed to custody in the Tower. Two
years after he was restored to liberty, and submitted to a voluntary banishment in France,
where, without making any farther attempts
for the recovery of his royalty, he died in a
private station. Earl Warrenne was left governor of Scotland : Englishmen were entrusted with the chief offices : and Edward, flattering himself that he had attained the end of all
his wishes, and that the numerous acts of fraud
and violence, which he had practised against
Scotland, had terminated in the final reduction
of that kingdom, returned with his victorious
army into England.
4 Though England, as well as other European countries, was, in its ancient state, very
ill qualified for makiug, and still worse for
maintaining conquests, Scotland was so much
inferior in its internal force, and was so ill situated for receiving foreign succours, that it
was no wonder Edward, an ambitious monarch,
should have cast his eye on so tempting an acquisition, which brought both security and
greatness to his native country. But the instruments whom he employed to maintain his
dominion over the northern kingdom were not

�37
happily chosen, and acted not with the requisite prudence and moderation in reconciling
the Scottish nation to a yoke which they bore
with such extreme reluctance. Warrenne, retiring into England on account of his bad state
of health, left the administration entirely in
the hands of Ormesby, who was appointed
justiciary of Scotland, and Cressingham, who
bore the office of treasurer; and a small military force remained to secure the precarious
authority of those ministers. The latter had
no other object than the amassing of money
by rapine and injustice; the former distinguished himself by the rigour and severity of
his temper : and both of them treating the
Scots as a conquered people, made them sensible too early of the grievous servitude into
which they had fallen. As Edward required
that all the proprietors of land should swear
fealty to him, every one who refused or delayed giving this testimony of submission was
outlawed and imprisoned, and punished without mercy ; and the bravest and most generous spirits of the nation were thus exasperated to the highest degree against the English
nation,1'
D

��LIFE
OF

SIR WILLIAM WALLACE.

S I R W I L L I A M W A L L A C E was a descendant of
an ancient and honourable family in the west
of Scotland. In times when patrician birth
was considered one of the chief circumstances
by which a man was entitled to claim respect
in the world, we need not wonder that this
fact formed a subject of controversy between
his admirers and his enemies. It is not, however, at the present day, one which can provoke the research of the dullest antiquary, or
which would command the attention of the
most time-killing reader; for whatever be the
weaknesses of the present generation, they
%

�40
have the wisdom pretty generally to acknowledge, that there is no proper ground of distinction between one man and another, except
that which arises from the personal qualitie
of the individual. That we shall not enter
very deeply into the investigation of the question, nor engage enthusiastically in the vindication of his claims to the character of a
gentleman by descent, will not therefore be
matter of surprise. We conceive that Wallace derived his honours from a higher source
than any titled nobleman in existence : theirs
is often the hereditary reward of wickedness,
the badge of disgrace, and the distinction of
infamy ; his honours were the purity and elevation of spirit that descends from heaven, the
genuine applause that is due to genuine worth,
and the celebrity that will perish only when
the world shall decay. Under this impression,
we shall only detail briefly the scanty particulars relative to his ancestry and birth which
can be gleaned from the old controversial narratives.
Wallace was the younger son of sir Malcolm Wallace of Ellerslie by his wife, who
was a daughter of sir Ronald Crawford, sheriff of Ayr. This lady also had another son

�41
to sir Malcolm. By some writers that son is
named Malcolm, and by others John ; but
whether the former or the latter be the right
one is a matter not worth enquiring into. Sir
Malcolm Wallace's father was a kinsman of (
Richard Wallace, who, in the reign of king
Alexander II. possessed the lands of Achiiiroe ; and it is from this connection chiefly
that the gentility of Wallace's blood seems to
be inferred. The precise period of Wallace's
birth is unknown, but it is highly probable
that it must have been some time before the
death of Alexander III. in 1286. This pro,bability is evinced, by considering, that about
the year 1290 the political events occurred
which tended to the subjugation of Scotland;
and that the tyranny of Edward already festered deeply in her bosom, when the hand of
Wallace was lifted up to heal her wounds, and
to fight her battles.
It is universally asserted, that Wallace be*
gan his domestic life under very inauspicious
worldly circumstances. Adversity in youth?
unless it be extreme, is perhaps a blessing ; it
strengthens the best and eradicates the worst
tendencies of our nature ; it fits the man who
&amp;as been subjected to its discipline for dischar*
3

�42
ging the duties and encountering the severest
vicissitudes of life. Wallace's frame of body
, and of mind must have been materially influenced by circumstances that are calculated to
affect constitutions of a less distinguished cast
than his. Assuredly that athletic vigour of
body which was afterwards impervious to the
force of the elements, must have been nursed
in the storm, unsheltered from its rigours by
the habiliments of fortunate and luxurious life.
The energy, the grandeur, and the dauntless
intrepidity of his mind, were qualities formed
by contemplating the struggles of life, with
the eye of a man who felt himself often called
on to join in the conflicts of adversity. Wallace's poverty was friendly to virtue ; it was
not that penury which freezes the blood and
unnerves the arm, which debases the spirit,
and makes man a coward; it was that precious
poverty which makes him despise the glittering
trifles of life, which saves him from the contamination of enervating indigencies, and elevates his views to the best objects of human
exertion.
The mind of Wallace in his boyish days was
directed, in its progress to maturity, we are
told, by the hand of John Blair, a Benedict

�43
tine monk at Dundee, who was afterwards his
chaplain, and lived to record his exploits.
Blair's work was written in Latin, but it perished in the flood of barbarism which since
his day has often inundated Scotland. It was
translated into Scottish verse in the reign of
king James IV. by a poet of that age, now
known to us by the appellation of u Blind
Harry
and its substance, though polluted
and obscured by the fictions of Harry, is still
familiar to many of the lower ranks of Scotland, in the paraphrase which Mr Hamilton
wrote in more modern language about a century ago. The ardour of Blair's attachment
to his youthful hero may be easily figured
from the vehement execrations which he utters
against his destroyers, as exhibited in some
little fragments of his history still extant.
It appears, that during the early period of his
life, Wallace had resided chiefly in retirement.
At what time he first emerged from the peace
and the improvement of private life is uncertain ; but it is presumed to have been about
the period of the battle of Dunbar, where the
discipline of Edward's soldiers triumphed over
the loose violence of the Scottish army, as
much as his political finesse overcame the wis-

�44
dom of the Scottish nobility in other spheres
of contention. This calamitous defeat, which
led to the submission of king John and his
nobles, and established the power of Edward
in Scotland, took place in the year 1296 ; and
it is not impossible therefore, indeed it is said
by some writers, that Wallace bore arms in
this unfortunate campaign, although his extreme youth renders the supposition nothing
more than probable.
After the humiliation of Scotland, Wallace
returned to Dundee, (if in fact he had been'
engaged in the war), for the purpose of studying under the superintendance of his tutor,
Blair. The success of Edward's schemes had
filled Scotland with swarms of English governors and soldiers, and those vultures preyed
upon the vitals of the conquered kingdom.
Wallace was then at a period of life when the
feelings are strong, and every pulse beats with
a generous ardour. He beheld the oppression
of his countrymen with horror and indignation, he sympathised in the sufferings of individuals, and he mourned the degradation of his
native land. While these sentiments animated
his bosom, he was, in an accidental rencounter, insulted by a young Englishman, son of

�45
Selby the eonstable of Dundee. Wallace was
not of a temper to brook insult from any
man ; but when an Englishman dared to provoke him by his arrogant demeanour and foul
contumelies, the emotions of patriotism mingled with his private resentments, arid stimulated him to inflict a terrible punishment. Tho ?
a stripling, he possessed inconceivable bodily
strength : he overcame young Selby in a scuffle
which ensued, and killed him with his own
dagger, in presence of a number of his followers. This action exposed him to the rage
of the English, and compelled him to seek refuge in retirement from the punishment which
would have followed.
A circumstance is stated to have occurred
whilst he was eluding the pursuit of his enemies, that deserves to be mentioned. Having
slain all Selby's attendants who opposed his
flight, and being still pursued very keenly, he
went into an inn, exhausted with his exertions, He had formerly known a the gude*
wife," (as the Scots were wont to term the
hostess of an inn), and earnestly besought her
protection. Women are seldom at a loss for
expedients. Wallace was instantly dressed in
the attire of a female, and was busily employ-

�46
ed twirling his distaff and humming his song,
when the pursuers searched the house which
they had seen him enter. They were so completely outwitted by this device, that they did
not discover him; and upon their retiring from
the immediate pursuit, he found himself at leisure to concert and adopt measures for more
effectually securing his retreat.
Having left the roof of his kind and sagacious hostess, he bent his steps towards the
residence of a paternal uncle at Dunipace.
Wallace and his mother lived for some time
with his uncle, who was a clergyman in opulent circumstances. During the period that
Wallace remained with his uncle, that gentleman applauded the bent of his spirit : he cherished those feelings in his mind which nature
had deeply implanted in it, and to the growth
of which circumstances had so auspiciously
contributed. But other and more important
events were still in store, for maturing that
glorious plant, that shall bloom in immortality, so long as earthly immortality can endure.
Wallace and his mother, after a short stay
at Dunipace, proceeded to Ellerslie. On their
arrival, they learned from sir Ronald Crawford, the lady's father, that her husband and

�47
elder son had been cruelly murdered at Lochmaben by the English, who now infested and
tyrannized oyer the whole country without
controul. The old lady got a promise of protection from Percy, Edward's lord-lieutenant;
but Wallace scorned to accept of protection
from the hands of those men who had become
the tools of that tyrant's oppressions. His
soul was roused, and he meditated vengeance,
worthy of his country's sufferings, and the
injuries which had fallen on his own blood.
He could not longer remain under his mother's
roof, and his uncle Crawford durst not give
him shelter in his dwelling from the hatred of
the English. In this situation of his affairs,
he went to live in secrecy at the house of his
paternal uncle, sir Richard Wallace of Riccarton, where his restless and patriotic aversion to the English tyranny permitted him not
long to remain. One day he went a-fishing,
and in the course of his pastime was interrupted by the irjsolent rapacity of some of lord
Percy's followers, who happened to pass the
spot where he was. Not fitted to yield to
their demands, or to suffer their tauntings as
one of the dishonoured Scots, Wallace, unarmed and alone, trusted his life to the fate of

�48
a combat. When he began the fight, the only
weapon he had was his fishing-staff. With
this he beat one of the gang to the ground ;
and having wrested the sword from his hand,
he soon taught the crowd, by whom he was
speedily assailed, that his individual strength,
skill, and intrepidity, were superior to their
united force: he killed several of the party,
and the others fled, confounded at the matchless prowess of their single antagonist. He
rode home triumphant to his uncle, on a horse
left by the persons whom he had killed or terrified, and he was now inspired with a just
confidence in his own powers by these exploits. His residence with sir Richard now
becoming very insecure, he resolved to devote
his mightiest exertions, and his life itself, to
the deliverance of his country, or to the chastisement of her oppressors ; and accordingly
he destroyed as many of the English as came
in his way, sparing neither the dignified nor
the mean. For these noble actions he was
outlawed by the English, and compelled to
live during the most inclement seasons of the
year entirely in the open fields, the woods,
and the mountains, where he often wandered,
subjected to all the hardships that it is pos-

�49
gifele for human nature to sustain, but animated by a spirit that enabled liim to bid defiance
to the direst calamities that assailed him.
I t was upon the eagle's plundered store
That Wallace far'd, when hunted from his home,
A glorious outlaw* by the lawless p o w ' r
O f Freedom's foil'd assassin, England's king.
Along the mountain cliffs, that ne'er were clomb
B y other footsteps than his own, 'twas 4:here
The eagle-vision'd genius, towering, plann'd
T h e grand emprise of setting Scotland free.
lie long'dL to mingle in the storm of war ;
And as the eagle dauntlessly ascends,
Revelling amid the elemental strife,
Mis mind sublime prefigur'd to itself
Each circumstance o f future hard fought fields,
T h e battle's hubbub loud, the forceful press,
That from his victim hurries him afar,
The impetuous close concentrated assault*
That, like a billow broken an the rocks,
Recedes, but forward heaves with doubled fury
4t

The exploits of Wallace were soon generally known, and attracted the notice of many?
who, dreading the stratagems of Edward to subvert their independence, had the courage to
hazard their lives for the liberty of their country. At the head of men such as these Wal* The Birds of Scotland.

E

�50
lace performed such exploits, as posterity has
surveyed with astonishment. He would frequently sally out of his lurking places, and,
with a handful of men, defeat multitudes.
His personal strength was extraordinary, and
had often been tried ; but to this he did not so
much trust as to stratagem. Expeditious and
indefatigable, cautious though undaunted, he
eluded the pursuits of his enemies, and never
exposed himself to numbers, but when certain
to frustrate their endeavours, if not to triumph
in their destruction.
The English having proclaimed a justice-aire
to be held at the town of Ayr, (18th June
1296), many of the neighbouring landed gentry, as usual, attended, several of whom being
accused of felony, were immediately condemned and executed. Among these were sir R o nald Crawford sheriff of Ayr, and uncle of
Wallace, sir Bryce Blair, sir Neil Montgomery, and many of the barons of Kyle, Cunningham, Carrick, and Clydesdale. The few
who escaped having informed Wallace of this
dreadful catastrophe, with his usual intrepidity he immediately assembled fifty of his followers, secretly entered Ayr in the night,
and set fire to the place where many of the

�51
English were asleep. The garrison issuing forth
from the castle, fell into an ambush laid for
them, and were all put to the sword. The fort
being immediately seized, Wallace marched next
morning to Glasgow, where engaging a body
of troops under the command of lord Henry
Percy, he completely routed them, and quick,
ly after took the castle of Stirling, recovered
Argyle and Lorn, with the town of St Johnston, and adjacent country, and continued
daily, in short, to do some signal mischief to the
English and their friends. Travelling through
Angus and Mearns, he arrived at Aberdeen,
from which the English had just made their
escape by sea, and made himself master of all
the towns of consequence in the north.
In the mean time, sir William Wallace was,
by the majority of the kingdom, elected guardian of Scotland, and viceroy in the absence of
Baliol. His future conduct manifested that he
was neither ungrateful for the honour conferred on him; nor unfaithful to the trust committed to his charge.
The castle of Dundee was the only place
that withstood the arms of Wallace in the
north. While besieging this fort he got intelgence of the approach of the English army,
%

�52
commanded by John earl of Surrey, and sir
Hugh Cressingham, and joined by many disaffected Scots, to the number altogether of about
forty thousand men; Wallace commanded the
burghers, upon pain of death, to prosecute with
vigour the siege he had begun, and he himself,
with ten thousand faithful and resolute adherents, marched towards Stirling, and encamped
in an advantageous situation upon a hill above
the monastery of Cambuskenneth, on the north
side of the Forth; which, having no fords at
that place, was passable only by a wooden
bridge. The English army lay on the south
of the Forth; and their generals, desirous of
bringing matters to an accommodation, sent two
Dominican friars with overtures of peace to
Wallace. These terms, insulting in the last degree to the honour and independence of Scotland, were rejected with disdain. u Tell your
officers, (said Wallace), that we have not com©
to this place to sue for peace, that now we
are ready to find, and will immediately evince,
that our country is still free." This answer
exceedingly irritated the English generals,
several of whom despising Wallace and his few
followers, presumptuously exclaimed, u They
are all our own, let us instantly charge them.'*

�53
A Scotchman, name! Lundy, who had been
induced early in the campaign to desert to the
English, violently opposed this measure. He
well knew that Wallace was too prudent to
hazard a battle with such superior force, without having concerted measures to counterbalance the inequality of numbers.
Lundy
judged rightly. The bridge formerly mentioned, over which it behoved the army to pass,
was both narrow and weak, and the Scottish
carpenter who shortly before had been employ,
ed to repair it, had, at Wallace's desire, cut
the main beams of it half through, and thereby
rendered it incapable of supporting a great
weight. Urged by the impetuosity of Cressingham, Surrey gave orders to the army to
march along the bridge; and sir Marmaduke
rJTwenge, a gentleman distinguished for valour
and resolution, led the van, and boldly advanced to the foot of the hill, on which the Scofe
had drawn up their army in order of battle.
Here Wallace remained till he saw as many of
the English had got over as he thought he could
safely encounter; but so far from making a
formidable opposition, he gradually retreated
as sir Marmaduke advanced. The English
commander pursued with vigour; but soon dis3

�54
covered that their was not a standard of his
countrymen in his rear. While some of the
Scots seemed to flee before him, the greater part
having taken an unfrequented road, completely
intercepted his retreat; and the bridge having
broken down by the immense weight of so
many armed men, vast quantities were drowned
in the river. All the English who had crossed
the Forth, to the number of six or seven thousand, were put the sword, except sir Marmaduke and a very few, who made their escape
by swimming across the river. Surrey, during
all this time, stood on the south side of the water,
and had the galling mortification of seeing his
men drowned and slain, without being able to
afford them the smallest relief. As soon as
Twenge joined Surrey, he advised him to set on
iire the remaining part of the bridge, to prevent the victorious Scots from pursuing and
harassing their disheartened army. This expedient proved of little use; for the great steward of Scotland and the earl of Lennox having previously posted themsel ves in an ambush,
at a short distance from the English, came from
behind the mountains as soon as they ascertained the event of the day, charged the retiring
earl, put him to flight, and pursued him with

�55
such vigour, that with difficulty he escaped t®
Berwick. Among the many English who were
slain was the treasurer Cressingham. This man,
though a priest, was of a most notorious cha«
racter: the Scots held him in such detestation,
that having found his dead body after the battle,
they flead it, and cutting his skin into small
pieces, shewed them in derision to their countrymen and friends.
This glorious battle, so disastrous to the
English army, was fought on the 13th September. Sir Andrew Murray was the only Scotsman of note that lost his life, although many
of the English commanders fell this day. This
victory was evinced to be complete in its effects
and coirsequences. No Englishmen durst remain in Scotland ; and all those Scots, who,
for reasons of policy or of baseness., had deserted to the English interest, now submitted to
Wallace, and hailed him as the deliverer of their
country. Although Berwick and Roxburgh;
still held out, yet being soon deserted by their
garrisons, they opened their gates to our heroV
victorious army. And thusT in about fourteen
months after the king had been deposed, and
his kingdom subdued and obliged to own a
foreign prince as their hereditary king, did

�Wallace, till then a private obscure gentleman,
unaccustomed to martial exploits, without
money or arms but such as he took from the
enemy, and with only a handful of men, restore the nation to its ancient liberty and independence.
Although the plunder taken at the battle of
Stirling was not inconsiderable, yet so many
armies ranging through all parts of the kingdom occasioned a great scarcity, and a general
famine was seriously apprehended. To prevent this calamity, Wallace issued orders, commanding all Scotsmen capable of bearing arms
to be ready to join him by turns, at certain
times and places agreed on ; and to secure their
attendance, he not only had an exact list of all
males in the kingdom between the age of sixteen and sixty, but in each village caused a
gibbet to be erected, for the immediate execution of those who should presume, either to desert from their colours, or not to repair to
the army when required. Some in Aberdeen
at first hesitated to obey these commands; 011
which account, Wallace, leaving his army, then
on its march to the frontiers of England, went
to Aberdeen, caused the offenders to be executed, and immediately returned. He divided the

�57
kingdom into districts, and these he subdivi*
ded, so that he could draw out all the men c o n tained in each as soon as he pleased. His plans
were conducted with the greatest regularity.
The men thus raised w ere formed into regiments*
and had officers appointed over them. Having
thus arranged all domestic affairs, and collected as many men as he thought necessary for his
purpose, he, under himself, as commander, appointed Andrew Murray, surnanied the noble,,
son of Andrew Murray who shortly before feU
at the battle of Stirling, and entered England
on the eighteenth of October. The inhabitants
of Northumberland, alarmed at his approach,
leaving the country defenceless, fled with their
families and effects to Newcastle. Upon this
Wallace and his army halted, or rather seemed
to retreat. The country people observing their
retrograde motion, returned to their houses,
and were all unawares surprised by parties of
the Scottish army, who ravaged the whole country between Tyne and Dervent, for the space
of twenty-three days. A body of fresh troops
advancing now to the borders, some of the
former were sent home, and had the peculiar
satisfaction of carrying back with them to
their friends the welcome news of their various

�'58
successes, and particularly the plenty of food
they had procured in the land of their enemies.
Wallace directing his march to Carlisle, summoned that city to surrender on the llth November. But the place being strongly fortified,
the magistrates refused to give it up, and he
was obliged to desist from the want of battering engines, which at this season of the year
could not be speedily nor conveniently procured. He therefore turning aside through the
forest of Inglewood, laid waste Berland and
Allerdale, and all that country as far as Cockermouth. The clemency of our hero appears
conspicuous in those letters of protection and
safety he issued to the religious houses: the
tenor of one of them follows. c6 William Wallace and Andrew Murray, in name of the illustrious Prince J O H N , by the grace of God,
King of Scotland, and with consent of the
community of the said kingdom, Commanders
of the army of the said kingdom of Scotland,
to all the subjects thereof to whom these letters may come, greeting. Know, that in the
name of the said King, we have taken into his
protection, the Prior and Convent of Exseldesham in Northumberland, their lands, men,
possessions, and goods, moveable and immove«

�59
able; wherefore, we strictly forbid you to do
any hurt, mischief, or injury whatever, to
their persons, lands, or goods, under pain and
forfeiture of your own goods and estates to
the King, or to kill any of them, under pain of
death. And we will that these letters be in
force for a whole year, and no longer. Given
at Exseldesham, 7th of November."
From Cockermouth the army proceeded to
Newcastle. When passing the village of R y ton, the inhabitants made them the objects of
derision, and insulted them with the most opprobrious language. They were prompted to
treat them in this manner, from the impracticability of the Scots attacking them, their situation being nearly insular. But Wallace
and his followers peremptorily crossing the
water, set the village on fire. The terrified
inhabitants fled with precipitation, and the
consternation became general; the province
was filled with lamentation, and no man durst
appear in the fields. The cities of Durham
and Newcastle only made efforts of resistance:
But Wallace did not think proper to attack
them, or to push his successes farther : he had
already done sufficient mischief to his enemies,
and had, at an easy rate, obtained much glory

�60
to his countrymen, and reflected distinguished
lustre on the Scottish arms.
The fame of Wallace, and the splendid victories which he had gained both in Scotland
and in England, spread abroad, and attracted
the attention of the courts of England and
France. Philip the Fair, the French monarch, heard of his successes with j o y ; but
Edward I. king of England observed them
with decided and invidious displeasure: he
felt much at being outstripped by one whom
he accounted his inferior. He was therefore
impatient to conclude the treaty lately proposed between him and Philip, by which peace
might be attained, and secured to both nations. In the mean time, he wrote from Flanders to his son, desiring him immediately to
summon a great council of the nobility, with
full powers to promise in his name whatever
appeared necessary towards obtaining their
consent to and concurrence in a vigorous war
with Scotland. They accordingly met. The
constable and marshall of England, the earls
of Gloucester, Surrey, and Arundel, and a
great majority of the earls and barons of the
kingdom, agreed^ that a large army should be
instantly raised, and that within eight days all

�61
the forces they could collect should assemble
at Newcastle. This meeting took place as
appointed, and the army was found to consist of four thousand and five hundred cavalry, and upwards of a hundred thousand
infantry. The prince and foresaid noblemen
headed this immense body, marched against
the Scots, relieved the castle of Roxburgh
which Wallace was besieging, and took possession of Berwick, which the Scottish garrison had abandoned as untenable ; and having
proceeded thus far, they received orders from
Edward to halt, till he himself, having now
settled his affairs abroad, should come home,
and put an end to the disturbances in Scotland,
It w$s politic in Edward to prevent the army
from advancing farther, as, from Wallace's
Inimitable and intrepid Conduct, he had reason
to expect that they would most probably be
again exposed to peculiar hardships, and afresh
experience new disasters.
Edward having arrived in England on the
21st March, immediately sent letters to Wallace, replete with insult and abuse. He told
him, that he durst not have attempted a revolt
in Scotland, far less an invasion on England,
had he himself been present in the island. Sir
F

�62
William received Edward's messenger with
that dignity which became his present situation, and replied, that he had more reason
to take the advantage of Edward's absence
to deliver his country from servitude, than he
of the divisions of a free and independent people to enslave them : he added, that he had
invaded England to repay the injuries done to
Scotland ; that he meant to keep his Easter in
the same country, and that he invited his highness to that feast. He punctually did what he
promised. Edward had a great army to oppose him; for though the earl of Surrey and
the foresaid noblemen had, upon receipt of his
letters from Flanders, discharged the greater
part of their numerous forces, yet they had
still fifteen hundred cavalry and twenty thousand infantry, who seemed more than sufficient, not only to check the progress of Wallace in England, but to act on the offensive,
and oblige him and his army to retreat to the
mountains of Scotland. But sir William's courage, which had been conspicuous all along,
did not fail him here: with his usual intrepidity, he collected his chosen troops, rallied,
and came in view of the mighty monarch neat
Stanmore.

�63
Edward's army appeared to the Scots to be
incredibly numerous, the armour of the soldiers glittering, the equipage of the officers
rich and elegant, and the sound of their trumpets and noise of their drums pompous and
terrible. Yet such was the ardour and bravery of many in the Scottish army, that they requested leave from the guardian to go a-pickering, and thus, by conspicuously evincing
their undaunted intrepidity, to aim at the honour of knighthood. But this favour Wallace was by no means disposed to confer: he
issued a proclamation, commanding all his
men, upon pain of death, to keep their ranks,
to march with gravity, and to attempt nothing
without his orders. Edward observed, and
admired the order, discipline, and formidable
appearance of the same enemy he had been hitherto accustomed to despise. He now discovered that the men he had to encounter acted
with subordination and concert, and that their
leaders were completely versant in the art of
war. His own veteran and experienced soldiers had not arrived from Flanders, and in
this situation, he thought it improper to hazard at once his own glory, the lives *of his
nobles, and the forfeiture of his claim, with
2

�64
a a undisciplined though numerous militia, a-i
gainst a small but resistless army, in which
every officer and every soldier acted the part
of a hero. Edward therefore wisely retired,
and Wallace, with no less prudence^ checked
the impetuous courage of his men, who, seeing the enemy retreat, were eager to follow
and charge their rear. But this would have
endangered all; a general engagement might
have been the consequence, which Wallace
ever avoided, except when, by a preconcerted
stratagem, he was confident of victory. He
again, upon pain of death^ discharged every
one from stirring from the ranks, and told his
followers, " that they had done enough when
they stood their ground, and kept their countenance, in the presence of such a power,
which one would have thought was able to
have swallowed them up: that this was in effect a victory, and so much the more glorious,
that they had gained it without drawing their
swords." This speech being circulated through
the army, had an agreeable influence upon all
their minds : the officers alighted from their
horses, and the whole army prostrated themselves on the ground, while, according to the
custom of the day, they sung the praises of

�65
St Andrew, the patron of Scotland, and returned thanks to St Cuthhert, on whose feast,
and in some measure by whose intercession,
they attributed their courage having been roused, and their enemies put to flight.
The glory of sir William Wallace was now
at its height; and as, by his numerous and
gallant exploits, he had become the admiration 6f Europe, the terror of England, and
the darling of his countrymen; so he was the
object of the envy, jealousy, and fear of the
nobility. They considered the praises that were
heaped upon him as so many reproaches cast
upon them; and every glorious action which
he performed Seemed to reflect disgrace on
their cowardice that durst not, or their perfidy
that would not imitate him. They had numerous dependants and immense estates, and consequently the means of asserting their own and
their country's rights, yet they had never attempted it; and a private gentleman, a younger
brother, of none of the most opulent families,
destitute of every assistance but courage to
liazard and wisdom to contrive, had taken
their work in hand, and effected it so completely and successfully, that now he was become their superior. What might he not at3

�66
tempt afterwards, and whither might fortune
carry a man of his spirit, no one could guess.
John Cumine of Badenoch and Robert Bruce
earl of Carrick, both of the blood-royal, and
both of aspiring dispositions, were afraid that
he would at length usurp the sovereignty, and
seize' upon the crown, to which they had a
just and legal title. These considerations made
the one join openly with the enemy, and the
other to act but faintly against him.
Of these proceedings Edward could not be
ignorant, and he was too prudent not to take
advantage of them. He was not yet prepared
to return to the borders, and to take the command in person, but he had still a considerable army there; and by his emissaries he prevailed with the leading men in Galloway to
revolt in his favour, and at the same time persuaded Ay mere de Valence earl of Pembroke
and John Psewart, two of his generals, to penetrate into Fife. But Wallace being apprised of their intention, overtook them at the
then spacious and beautiful forest of Blackironside, and killed or took prisoners fifteen
hundred and eighty of their men. In this encounter he lost very few of his own : the gallant sir John Graham was wounded, but none

i

)

~

�67
of eminence fell, except the valiant Duncan
Balfour sheriff of Fife,
This victory did not intimidate the English
army, or prevent them from making more attempts upon the inland country in the course
of the same summer. The guardian was obliged to destroy the bridge of Perth, and in its
Vicinity he defeated the English in no less than
three engagements, in one of which their leader, sir John Withrington, with a great number of his party, were drowned in the river.
It is probable that Edward had sent a fleet to
the coasts of Scotland, with orders, when opportunities presented, to harass the inhabitants by making descents ; and while Wallace
endeavoured to prevent or defeat these measures, the English army on the borders, assisted by the rebels of Galloway, seized upon
some parts in the south an$ west. To punish
and repel these formidable enemies, Wallace,
with sir John Graham, sir John Monteith,
and Alexander Scrymgeour constable of Dundee, marched southwards; and having got notice that they had stationed themselves in the
vicinity of Ayr, and that the barns were filled
with English soldiers, they advanced in the
night with a party of fife hundred men, arid

�68
set fire to their enemies lodging in so dexterous
a manner, that such as awaked and escaped
from the devouring flames immediately perished by the sword. u Thus (says Fordun) did
Scotland, by the wonderful conduct and vigilance of its guardian, enjoy peace in the midst
of war, and the people, guarded by repeated
victories over their enemies, securely cultivated the formerly neglected soil, and dispersed
plenty over the land ; while at the same time
the more powerful nobles, inebriated with
envy and jealousy, outwardly professed all
the gratitude that was due to the admired atchievements of their deliverer, but secretly
conspired his ruin; and in order to effect this,
caused rumours to be spread abroad, intimating, that he designed to usurp the crown;
and that if an usurper must reign, a great and
mighty monarch, though a foreigner, was preferable to an upstart of yesterday. O strange
infatuation! Wallace had no design to be king,
but against his own will had been elected guardian of the kingdom; and at a time when, unhappy Scotland! thou hadst not a head to defend thee, he did it with the strength of his
arm, and, in the day of tribulation, afforded
relief. Odious envy! whence comes it thai

�69
Scdlsmeii are thus over-ruled by thee 5 Alas t
it is natural to most men to hate and depress
one another; the best patriots especially, be^
cause the best: in this like to Cain, who en,.
Vied Abel 5 to Rachel^ who hated Leah ; to
Saul, who maltreated David; and to the Scots,
who would not suffer themselves to be blessed
by their Wallace V '
By this time, tjie formidable 4rmy whicl*
Edward had left in Flanders was returned to
England ; arid he, to strengthen it by the addition of all the forces which that kingdom,
ivith Ireland and Wales, could rai§e, had gratified his nobles respecting the privileges for
which they had long contended : and now
their jealousies beipg completely removed,
they marched with him against the Scots with
courage and alacrity* Jlis army, wheij. scol*
lee ted at Roxburgh, amounted in all tp three
thousand select horsemen, armed cap-a-pe, besides four thousand light horsemen, and about
eighty thousand foot, the greater part of
whom were Irish and Welsh. To oppose this
formidable power, Wallace had not above
thirty thousand, both horse and foot; vet in
* Fordtini Scotiehrofcicon, lib; 2. cap. 31.

�70
that high state of discipline which they had attained, and animated with that patriotic ardour
which had all along marked their conduct, they
wrould doubtless have withstood their tmemies,
had they been commanded by the guardian alone; but unfortunately two men, of acknowledged bravery indeed, (but, as were the
greater part of the nobility and their immediate dependants, for the reasons already noticed, his secret enemies), divided with him
the command. Sir John Cumine of Badenoch,
and sir John Stewart of Bonkyll, the latter
the brother of James lord high-steward of
Scotland, and the former the grandson of Dervegild, the mother of king John, consequently, next to him and his children, a legal pretender to, if not the rightful heir of the
crown. Both these determined to thwart the
designs of Wallace, yet so far agreed with him
upon the enemy's approach, as, by his advice,
to seize upon an advantageous post, to rank
their men regularly in three round bodies, to
fill up the intermediate spaces with archers, to
place their horse in the rear, and to fortify
their front with pallisadoes fastened in th^
ground, and bound together with ropes.

�71
In this position did they remain at Falkirk
seven miles from Stirling, till the army of Edward appeared on the
day of July, after
having reduced several castles, and penetrated thus far into the heart of the kingdom.
And now was the time that the animosities
that unhappily subsisted between the commanders should have been entirely banished; but
unfortunately for Scotland this was not the
case. Each of them would have the honour of
going first upon the head of the van; Wallace,
because he was guardian of the kingdom;
Cumine, on account of his more numerous vassalage and royal birth; and Stewart, because
he acted that day in place of his brother, the
lord high-steward himself, whose vassals or
military tenants would obey no commands but
wrhat he gave them; and he is said to have stood
so much upon this punctilio of honour, that he
upbraided Wallace to his face, charged him.
with ambition and pride, and compared him to
the owl in the fable, which had nothing that
was originally its own, but begged a feather
of every bird, and thus having acquired rich
and gay plumage, pretended to beauty and
superiority abovq all others.

�n
It is easy to conjecture what must be the
Result of a battle begun at such a time, and irf
such a manner. While the fatal debate was
agitated with the greatest heat, Edward although he had that tery morning got a fall
from his horse, by which two of his ribs were
broken, caused a charge to be sounded. The
Septs were soon routed, and lost upwards of
ten thousand men. Sir John Cumine with those
under his command, went away without fight.,
fng at all: sit- John Stewart fought bravely
and died honourably, as did all his dependents.
And the guardian, (who in the beginning of
the action, had just sufficient leisure to address
this short speech to his men, 1 have brought
you to the king fly if you can, did all that
could be expected from the greatest commander in the world.
Unable either to Rescue Stewart, or alone to
withstand the prevailing enemy by whose numbers he was nearly surrounded, (for the earl
pf Car rick had made a large circuit, and was
ready to fall upon his rear), he imperceptibly
retreated, and passed the little river Carron?
which he knew they durst not attempt to ford
in his presence. Thus he not only preserved
his own men, and such of his colleagues as

�73
fled to him, but, by keeping himself in the
rear, and having his eye constantly fixed on
those that were most active in the pursuit, he
found means to cut off several of them, particularly one Frere Bryan Jay, a knight templar ; upon whom having turned, he killed in
view of the greatest part of the victorious
army. This intrepid action made others beware of coming, as the templar had done,
within his reach.
Thus Wallace, by the means to which we
have already adverted, was obliged to retreat •
on which account, and because of the nume*.
rous forces he brought to the field, he was
branded as the main author of all the losses
which his country had sustained. While retreating from Falkirk, the earl of Car rick
was one of his most active pursuers; and as
the guardian stood on the one side of the river
Carron, he advanced to the opposite bank,
and, elevating his voice, he addressed him in
the following manner: u l a m greatly surprised, sir William, that you should ever entertain thoughts, as it is generally believed
you still do, of attaining the crown of Scotland ; and that, deceived with this chimerical
view, you should thus expose yourself to fit*
G

�74
many dangers. It is not easy, you find, to
resist the king of England, for he is one of
the greatest princes in the world; and even
supposing it were otherwise, do you entertain the idea, that the Scots would suffer you
to reign over them?" The guardian did not
allow him to proceed. u N o , " replied he,
u my thoughts never soared so high, nor do
I intend to usurp a crown, to wrhich, I am
conscious, I have no right, and which my
services cannot merit. I only mean to rescue
my country from oppression and slavery, and
to defend that just cause which you have
abandoned. You, my lord, whose rights may
entitle you to be king, it is your duty to protect the kingdom: it is because you fail in
this respect, that I must, and will while I
exist, endeavour to maintain the rights and
liberties of that country I was born to serve •
and, if it is the will of Providence, in defence
of these I will lay down my life. As for you,
who choose rather to live a slave, with the
safety of your life and property, than to be
free and independent, with the hazard of losing your fortune, you may continue in the
possession of what you so highly esteem, your
large estate; though had you but the spirit t#

�75
claim the crown, you might both win it with
glory, and wear it with justice. I can do
neither; but this I will do, I shall live and
die a free-born subject."
This conversation is supposed to have left
an indelible impression upon the mind of the
aspiring earl; but the circumstances of time
and place obliged them both soon to break it
off: Bruce returned to the victorious Edward,
and Wallace continued to lead off his men.
This he performed with as much glory, in the
opinion of those who were competent to
judge, as when last year he gained a more decisive battle than that which was now lost.
Notwithstanding, his enemies, who were ever
on the alert, gave out, with a view to palliate
the treachery of sir John Cumine, who was
known to have fought none at all, that sir
William behaved little better than sir John ;
and even some Scots authors have asserted,
that, sacrificing his honour and country to his
resentment against sir John Stewart, he stood
by an idle spectator, till he saw that brave
man, and all about him, cut to pieces. This
they consider as the only misconduct with
which he can be charged during the whole
caurse of his life; and doubtless all would

�16
concur with them, had any good authority
been produced to prove it. Blind Harry may
talk what he will; ignorant people may mistake a necessary retreat for a giddy flight;
and because sir William was not the first who
engaged, that honour having been flatly refused him, and afterwards, when he saw that
the day was lost, did not venture too far,
prejudice may have reported that he stood by
inactive and unconcerned. But as this is contrary to the assertion of Buchanan, and of the
best Scottish authors, who all maintain, that,
to use the words of Pere d'Orleans, a learned
Frenchman, he did nothing derogatory to his
character, was still himself, and that his valour appeared in the combat, while his prudence was conspicuous in the retreat; so no
English historian mentions the circumstance,
much less contradicts this statement; on the
contrary, they always suppose him to have
been general of the Scottish army, to have
drawn it up with advantage, and to have urged his men to exhibit their ancient discipline
and valour. Besides, it is remarkable, that
as Macduif, the grand-uncle of Duncan earl
of Fife, fell in that division which sir John
Stewart commanded; so sir John Graham of

�77
Abercorn or BandafF, a gentleman, who, on
account of the similitude of his independent
spirit and heroic qualifications with those of
Wallace, inseparably attached himself to his
interest, person, and fate, was killed on that ,
side which the guardian headed: this furnishes
another proof that he was not merely an idle
spectator. However, it must be acknowledged, that in so critical a conjuncture, Wallace
stood too much upon the pre-eminence of his
post. That was not the time to contend about
leading the van, when the whole army was
about to be attacked : his conduct would then
have been more commendable, had he at once
yielded to the ambition of his rivals, when lie
found them willing to act as became their exalted rank and station.
This line of conduct, however, he was soon
after disposed to,follow : for by sir John Cumine's conduct, both before and at the battle,
and by the conversation which he afterwards
had with Robert Bauce earl of Carrie k, ha
plainly understood that these great men were
actuated by mere jealousy, a passion of all
others the least easily checked; and that both
having a view to the crown, would always oppose, at least would never heartily concur with
3

�78
one, who, in their apprehension, had merit
and ambition enough to set it on his own head.
To re-unite them, if possible, he resolved at
once to undeceive them and the world, and
for this purpose he called an assembly of the
nobles at Perth, when, to the inexpressible
grief of all who knew the sincerity of his intentions, and disinterestedness of his soul, he
laid down his double commission of general of
the army and guardian of the kingdom ; reserving nothing to himself of all the acquisitions he might have retained, except a small
party of select friends, who, attached to him
by the most endearing ties, and joined to his
destiny, devoted themselves to the service of
their country, and waged an eternal war with
the English wherever they were to be found.
Sir John Cumine, his greatest enemy, was, on
account of his near relation to king John,
whom the Scots still acknowledged as their
lawful sovereign, appointed guardian in his
room ; and we find from authentic records,
that not only William bishop of St Andrew's,
and Robert Bruce earl of Carriek, the next
year, 1299, but also that sir J ohn Soules, in
the tenth year of king John's reign, which
must have been in 1303^ acted in conjunction

�79
with him. Inspired by Wallace's example so
long, probably much longer did these brave
men, notwithstanding Edward's so much magnified victory at Falkirk, keep up the appearance of a government in Scotland, and maintain the unequal war in which they were engaged, against the united power of England,
Ireland, Wales, and Gascony, though headed
by one of the most intrepid princes of whom
England can boast, and he too, at that time,
at peace with France, and every other nation.
But the Scots, not content with maintaining
their independence in the northern, also made
incursions into the southern .counties, which
Edward imagined he had totally subdued.
6 John de Segrave, (says Mr Hume), whom
Edward had left guardian of Scotland, led an
army to oppose them; and lying at Roslin,
near Edinburgh, sent out his forces in three
-divisions., to provide themselves with forage
and subsistence from the neighbourhood. One
party was suddenly attacked by the regent and
sir Simon Eraser, and being unprepared, was
immediately routed, and pursued with great
slaughter. The few that escaped, flying to
the second division, gave warning of the ap*
proach qf the enemy : the soldiers ran to their

�80
arms, and were immediately led on to take
revenge for the death of their countrymen.
The Scots, elated with the advantage already
obtained, made a vigorous impression upon
them : the English, animated with a thirst of
vengeance, maintained a stout resistance : the
victory was long undecided betwixt them, but
at last declared itself entirely in favour of the
former, who broke the English, and chased
them to the third division, now advancing
with a hasty march to support their distressed
companions. Many of the Scots had fallen in
the two first actions, most of them were
wounded, and all of them extremely fatigued
by the long continuance of the combat; yet
were they so transported with success and military rage, that, having suddenly recovered
their order, and arming the followers of their
camp with the spoils of the slaughtered enemy,
they drove with fury upon the ranks of the
dismayed English, The favourable moment
decided the battle, which the Scots, had they
met with a steady resistance, were not long
able to maintain : the English were chased off
the field : three victories were thus gained in
one day : and the renown of these great exploits, seconded by the favourable dispositions

�81

r

6f the people, soon made the regent master of
all the fortresses in the south; and it became
necessary for Edward to begin anew the conquest of the kingdom.
6 The king prepared himself for this enterprise with his usual vigour and abilities, He
assembled both a great fleet and a great army,
and entering the frontiers of Scotland, appear,
ed with a force which the enemy could not
think of resisting in the open field. The Eng.
lish navy, which sailed along the coast, secured the army from any danger of famine, Edward's vigilance preserved it from surprises;
and by this prudent disposition, they marched
victorious from one extremity of the kingdom
to the other, ravaging the open country, reducing ail the castles, and receiving the submissions of all the nobility, even those of Cu.
mine the regent. The most obstinate resistance was made by the castle of Brechin, defended by sir Thomas Maule ; and the place
opened not its gates, till the death of the governor, by discouraging the garrison, obliged
them to submit to the fate which had overwhelmed the rest of the kingdom.
' Edward, having completed his conquest,
which employed him during the space of near

�82
two years, now undertook the more difficult
work of settling the country, of establishing
a new form of government, and of making his
acquisition durable to the crown of England.
He seems to have carried matters to extremity
against the natives: he abrogated all the Scottish laws and customs; he endeavoured to substitute the English in their place ; he entirely
rased or destroyed all the monuments of antiquity ; such records or histories as had escaped his former search were now burnt or dispersed ; and he hastened, by too precipitate
steps, to abolish entirely the Scottish name,
and to sink it finally in the English.'
It is certain that sir William Wallace was
not idle during all this period, but none of
his exploits does any author with certainty
relate. It is doubted also whether he resided
at home or abroad. Some think he still continued in Scotland, and, though in a private
and humble station, gave life and spirit to the
distressed government. Others are of opinion
that he retired to France, either at this time,
or, according to Fordun
after the glorious
victory obtained in the beginning of the campaign 1302 by the Scots, in the vicinity of
Roslio, when he had reason to conclude that
* Scoticiironicon, cap. 11.

�83
his country stood not so much in need of his
service. It is said, that in his voyage to
France, he fought with and made prisoner the
famous French pirate, Thomas de Longueville, commonly called the Red-river ; and
that he was heartily welcomed and very much
caressed by Philip the Fair. It is even asserted by some, that Philip made him duke of
Guienne, at least appointed him general of
the army which he sent to that province to
oppose the Engligh ; that as in Scotland, so
in France, he performed wonders; that to
perpetuate the intrepidity and number of his
exploits, Gascon songs were composed, and
long after sung to his praise; and that to confirm the truth of all these assertions, many
domestic monuments of Thomas Longueville,
(who, enamoured with his fortitude, followed
his fortune, and returned with him to Scotland), such as his sword, rights of his lands,
&lt;&amp;c. are yet extant, and still preserved with
great veneration by his posterity. It is impossible to say what credit should be given to
these various reports ; yet for the reasons already given, and on account of the great cor*
respondence maintained between the French
and Scots from the year 1298 to 1303, and ©f

�84
the silence both of Scots and English authors,
who particularise none of his achievements,
it is probable that he went over to France
with the new guardians, as ambassadors, to
treat for peace, as soon as they entered upon
their office. If this was the case, nobody
will doubt but that Philip would be highly
pleased to have such a man beside him, a
dauntless hero, and at the same time, by nature, education, and principle, an avowed and
irreconcileable enemy to the English. It is
therefore credible that the king of France
might have intended to give him the command
of his army in Guienne; but that he actually
got that command, or performed those exploits in that province that are said to be recorded in their old songs, appears rather improbable ; for the English and French had no
memorable wars during this period, the truce
agreed to in the beginning of the year 1£298
having been from time to time prolonged, till
about Whitsunday 1303, when a peace was
finally concluded, to the inexpressible astonishment and regret of the Scots, who were
not comprehended in it.
It was at this time, when their services were
most required, that sir William Wallace and

�85
liis unconquerable friends appeared again in
the field, in opposition to that irresistible army, upon the head of which king Edward
marched triumphantly through, and a second
time subdued nearly the whole kingdom of
Scotland; insomuch, that had not Providence,
highly favouring that country, ordained some
inaccessible places and natural fortifications,
where no armies could march or be maintained, the Scots would have probably, at this
time, lost all their ancient liberties. To these
retreats sir William did withdraw, as formerly, when nothing better could be done, but
with a resolution to sally out as soon as an
opportunity should offer ; and he had no hesitation in thinking that Providence had destined him once more to be the deliverer of his
native country. King Edward had good reason to dread our hero : that prince did not
think himself an absolute conqueror while he
survived. But Wallace was not, as others,
to be awed into submission by fines, forfeitures, or threats ; he therefore courted him
with large and magnificent promises of honours and wealth, places and pensions; but
in vain : his constant answer, both to his initiate friends, and to the emissaries of king

�86
Edward, who addressed him on the subject,
was, u That he owed his life to, and would
willingly lay it down for his country ; that
should all Scotsmen but himself submit to the
king of England, he never would; nor would1
he give obedience or yield allegiance to any
power, except to the king of Scotland, his
rightful sovereign."
Since, therefore, neither threats, nor bribes,
nor example, neither open force nor secret
stratagem, could conquer the invincible soul
of our undaunted hero, Edward bethought
himself of the only expedient that yet remained unattempted to subject him. That preferment and money which had been rejected by
liim with disdain, he caused to be offered to
some of his greatest friends, who well knew,
by what means he could be surprised; and
even among these a Judas was found I The
traitor, sir John Monteith, one of those in
whom he placed the most unbounded confidence, brought a party of Englishmen upon
him as he lay concealed in the neighbourhood
of Glasgow. These having immediately apprehended him, carried him to London, by
ordejs of king Edward. As this misfortune,
the greatest that, at this conjuncture, could

�87
befal the kingdom of Scotland, was inexpressibly afflictive to all its sincere friends and
honest defenders, so it gave joy and pleasure
to all ranks of people in England. They now
imagined the war was at an end : yet even the
rabble could not but pity the hard fate of an
enemy so renowned. Prodigious numbers of
men, women, and children, run from all quarters, to gaze at their illustrious prisoner as he
passed upon the road.
When he arrived in London, he was conducted to and lodged in the house of one William Delect, in Fenchurch-street. The next
day (23d August 1305) he was brought on
horseback to Westminster, accompanied by
several knights, the mayor, sheriffs, and aldermen of the city, with many other persons
of eminence and rank; in presence of all
whom he was placed on the south bench of the
great hall; and either because they wished the
people to believe that he had aspired to the
crown of Scotland, or because it was reported
that he had formerly boasted that he had deserved to wear a diadem, in that place they
crowned him with laurel, while sir Peter Malory, the chief-justice, impeached him of treason. T o this charge he boldly replied? 46 That

�%

88

a traitor he never was, nor could be, to the
king of England."
The other crimes for
which he was indicted, as burning of towns,
storming of Castles, killing the English, &amp;c.
he frankly acknowledged, but denied that they
were crimes, unless mistaken loyalty to one's
natural sovereign, with deference to whom,
and in whose name he ever* acted,—zeal for the
just rights and liberties of one's native country, by the community of which he was created a magistrate,—-and resisting the encroachments of a foreign government and tyrannical
usurpation,—shall deserve to l)e branded with
that odious name. However, these heroic virtues were voted crimes; and the prisoner, notwithstanding he had never acknowledged or
submitted to the laws of England, was tried
by them, and condemned to be hanged, drawn,
and quartered, and, whilst alive, to have his
bowels cut out; all which was executed with
the utmost severity, or rather relentless barbarity. His head was fixed upon London
Bridge, but his four quarters were sent into
Scotland, and placed over the gates of as many
of the principal cities of his native country.
It is doubtful if any country ever produced
a. hero similar to Wallace in every respect,

�89'
Most nations have had their Ca3sars and Alexanders, bold and fortunate usurpers, plunderers of the world, and scourges of mankind,
who, with uncommon strength of body and
extraordinary endowments of mind, both had
favourable opportunities of undertaking, and
powerful aids in effecting their ambitious designs. Alexander governed the warlike kingdom of Macedon, and had all Greece at his
command; and when he overcame the Persians,
he vanquished but women and eunuchs. Caesar, it is true, had to encounter Romans, but
then he had Romans to assist him, a veteran
and well-disciplined army against an indolent
and divided senate and an effeminate youth ;
beaux, who durst not look at the point of a
spear, lest it should disfigure their faces.
Both had men and money, Wallace had neither : the one was a king, the other something
more, a citizen of Rome, and by fortune and
birth, as well as wealth and authority, one of
the first order; whereas Wallace was only a
private gentleman, the second brother of a
Scots laird, and he had martial England and
Edward to encounter, and but few of the nobility and commonalty to support him : nor
did these either espouse his cause, till, by ex-

�90
ploits, incredible for their greatness and singularity, he wrought them into a belief, that,
under his conduct, they would prove invincible.
Wallace had that air and make of body that
seem to give right to command. His stature
was tall and majestic, his strength incredible,
his health not to be impaired by hunger or
toil. Though large and broad shouldered, he
had a pleasant aspect, and a countenance always serene; nor was his bulk unwieldy.
These bodily advantages made him superior in
combat to most men, and it was ordinary for
him to defeat three or four at a time. But
the strength of his mind was superior even to
that of his body : he had the true spirit of a
soldier, and such an inclination to the military art, that he learned it without experience.
No man ever attempted more than he, yet
none was more cautious, or better understood
ihe arts of stratagem. Untutored himself, he
taught the whole nation to be soldiers, and
disciplined them go admirably, that had it
been thought proper to have carried on his
plan, Scotland could always alford at least
thirty thousand men ready for any enter prize
whatever, and that too without being charge.
2

�91
able to the government, or depopulating the
country. He was rigorously severe to offenders, but obligingly liberal to those under his
command. With the immence booties which
he gained from the enemy he enriched every
man but himself, and, in the midst of death
and devastation, introduced plenty from England to Scotland. Provident and cautious, he
was never surprised but by the villain who
betrayed him under trust. The English have
taxed him with barbarous cruelty in his way
of making war; but certainly could they perceive virtue in their enemies, they would have
acknowledged that Wallace had much more of
the patriot and the hero than of the robber
and the vagabond. A widely different character is given us by John Blair, his chaplain,
who was an eye-witness of most of his actions.
According to him, he never harmed women or
children, but, on the contrary, was a father
to orphans, a protector of the widow, the poor,
and the miserable, a severe punisher of robbers and thieves, a declared enemy to liars and
cheats, had a great veneration for the church
and for churchmen, and discovered a love to
his country, which nothing could e^ual but
Lis hatred to the English, It is to be regretted

�92
that we have not a full account of his behaviour while upon his trial and at the scaffold.
Scottish authors could not, and the English
would not do that justice to his memory, which
must have left an indelible stain upon that of
Edward, by whose orders he was so cruelly
and so imprudently executed; for his death
did not, as that prince imagined, complete the
subjection of Scotland, on the contrary, it
exasperated the nation against him, animated
them to revenge, and excited all the friends
and admirers of Wallace to acknowledge and
support the title of king Robert Bruce.
The manner in which the nation resented
the death of their champion is well expressed
in the following verses.
Invida mors tristi Gulielmum funere Vallam,
Quse cuncta toljlit, sustulit:
Et tarito pro cive cinis, pro feiibus urna est,
Frigusque pro lorica obit.
Ille quidem terras, loca se inferiora, reliquit:
At fata factis supprimens,
Parte sui meliore solum coelumqne pcrerrat |
Hoc spiritu, illud gloria.
66

�93
At tibi si inscriptum generosa pectus honesto
Fuisset, hostis proditi
Artibus, Angle, tuis, iu poenas parcior isses,
Nec oppidatim spargeres
Membra viri sacranda adytis. Sed scin quid
in ista
Immanitate viceris ?
Ut Vallae in cunctas oras spargantur et horas
LaudSs, tuumque dedecus."
Thus translated:
Envious death, who ruins all,
Hath wrought the sad lamented fall
Of Wallace; and no more remains
Of him, than what an urn contains.
W e ashes for our hero have,
He for his armour a cold grave.
He left the earth, too low a state,
And by his acts o'ercame his fate ;
His soul death had not power to kill;
His noble deeds the world do fill
With lasting trophies of his name.
O ! hadst thou virtue lov'd, or fame,
Thou couldst not have exulted so,
Over a brave, betray'd, dead foe2
u

�/•

94

Edward, nor seen those limbs exposed
T o public shame, fit to be clos'd,
As relics, in an holy shrine :
But now the infamy is thine,
His end crowns him with glorious bays*
And stains the brightest of thy praise.5*

THE ENS*

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                    <text>Domejlic Happinefs

Exhibited\

I N

1.

THE

FIRESIDE.
A POJLM.

BY D R . C O T T O N *

H.

JOHN ANDERSON, MY JOE.
IMPROVED.
BY R O B E R T B U R N S .

G L A S G O W :
H I N T E D FOR A N D SOLD BY

Brafli &amp; Reid.

�5 / 9 o

THE

FIRESIDE.

r.
D k A R Cloe, while the b u f y croud*
T h e vain, the w e a l t h y , and the p r o u d .
In folly's maze advance;
T h o ' fingularity and p r i d e
Ee call'd our choice, we'll ftep afide,
N o r join the giddy dance.
II.
F r o m the gay world we'll oft retire
T o our own family and fire,
W h e r e love our hours e m p l o y s ;
N o noify neighbour enters here,
N o intermeddling Granger n e a r ,
T o fpoil our heartfelt joys.
III.
If fobd happinefs we p r i z e ,
W i t h i n our breafi this jewel lies,
And they are fools who roam ;
T h e world hath n o t h i n g to beftow,
From our own felves our blifs mud-flow^
A n d that dear hut our home.

�(

3

)

IV.
Of reft: was N o a h ' s dove b e r e f t ,
W h e n with impatient wing f h e left
T h a t fafe r e t r e a t , the a r k ;
Giving her vain excursions o ' e r ,
T h e d i f a p p o j n t e d bird once m o r e
E x p l o r ' d t h e facred b a r k .
V.
Tho* fools f p u r n H y m e n ' s gentle powers.
W e , w h o i m p r o v e his golden hours,
By fweet experience k n o w ,
T h a t marriage, rightly u n d e r f t o o d ,
Gives to t h e t e n d e r and the good*
A p a r a d i f e below.
VI.
Our babes fliall richefl comforts b r i n g ;
If t u t o r ' d right they'll prove a f p r i n g ,
W h e n c e pleafures ever rife :
W e ' l l form their minds w i t h ftudious c a r ^
T o all that's manly, good, and fair,
A n d train t h e m for the ikies.
VII.
While they our wifeft hours engagd,
T h e y ' l l joy our y o u t h , f u p p o r t ourage$
A n d crown our h o a r y hairs;
T h e y ' l l grow in virtue every d a y ,
A n d thus our fondeft loves repay s
A n d recompense our cares*

�£ 4 J
VIII.
Mo borrowed joys! t h e y ' r e all o u r own 8
W h i l e to t h e world we live Unknown,
Or by the world f o r g o t :
M o n a r c h s ! we envy not y o u r ftatey
W e look with pity on the G r e a t ,
A n d blefs o u r h u m b l e lot.
IX.
O u r portion is not large, indeed,
But then how little do we need,
For N a t u r e ' s calls are few !
In this the art of living lies,
T o want no more than m a y fuffice s
A n d make that little do.
X.
W e ' l l t h e r e f o r e felifli with content*
Whate*er kind P r o v i d e n c e has fertt^
N o r aim beyond our power ;
f o r if our (lock be very fmall,
?
Tis p r u d e n c e to enjoy it all,
N o r Iofe the prefent h o u r .

tt.
to be refign'd when ills betide,
P a t i e n t when favours are d e n y ' d ,
A n d pleas'd with favours given
D e a r Cloe, this is wifdom's p a r t ,
"jphis is that incenfe of the h e a r t ,
W h o l e fragrance f m e l k to heaven.

�(

5

)

XII.
W e ' l l afk no long-protra&amp;ed treaty
Since winter-life is feldom f w e e t ;
But when our feaflis o'er,
G r a t e f u l from table we'll arife,
N o r grudge our fons, with envious eyes t
T h e relics of our (lore*
XIII.
T h u s h a n d in hand t h r o ' life we'll g o ;
Its checkered paths of joy and woe
W i t h cautious fteps we'll t r e a d ;
Q u i t its vain fcenes without a tear,
W i t h o u t a trouble, or a fear,
A n d mingle with the dead.
XIV.
W h i l e confc?ence, like a faithful f r i e n d /
Shall t h r o ' the gloomy vale a t t e n d ,
A n d cheer our dying b r e a t h ;
Shall, when all other comforts ceafej
iLike a kind angel w h i f p e r peace,
A ^ d f m o o t h the bed of d e a t h .

#

�JOHN ANDERSON, MY JOE,
X MP R 0 r E D.

I.
J O H N A n d e r f o n , rny joe, J o h n , I wonder w h a t
you mean,
T o rife fo foon in the m o r n i n g , and fit up fo late at
e'en,
Ye'll blear out a* y o u r een, J o h n , and why f h o u l d
you do fo,
© a n g fooner to y o u r bed at e'en, J o h n A n d e r f o n , m y
joe.
It.
J o h n A n d e r f o n , my joe, J o h n , w h a n natiirc fir&amp;
began
T o t r y her canny h a n d , J o h n , h e r mailer-work
was rian ;
A n d you amang them a s J o h n , fo trig f r a e t a p to
toe,
She p r o v ' d to be nae j o u r n e y - w o r k , J o h n A n "
4terfoB s my joe.

�(

7

)

III.
J o h n A n d e r f o n , m y joe, J o h n , ye w e r e m y firfl
conceit,
A n d ye need na t h i n k it ftrange, J o h n , tho* I ca*
ye trim and neat ;
Tho* fbme fock fay ye're a u l d , J o h n , I never t h i n k
ye fo,
But I t h i n k y e ' r e ay t h e fame to me, J o h n A n d e r f o n , my joe.
IV.
J o h n A n d e r f o n , m y joe, J o h n , we've feen our b a i r n s
bairns,
A n d yet my dear, John A n d e r f o n , I'm h a p p y in
y o u r arms,
A n d fae are ye in mine, J o h n , I'm f u r e ye'll n e ' e r
fay no,
T h o ' t h e days are gane that we hae feen, J o h n
A n d e r f o n , my joe.
V.
J o h n A n d e r f o n , my joe, J o h n , w h a t p l e a f u r e d o e s
it gie»
T o fee fae mony f p r o u t s , J o h n , f p r i n g u p ' t w e e n
you and m e ,
A n d ilka lad and lafs, J o h n , in o u r footfteps to go
Makes p e r f e A heaven Jiere on e a r t h , J o h n Ajv*
d e r f o n , my joe.
VI.
J o h n A n d e r f o n , my joe, J o h n , w h e n we were firft
acquaint,
Y o u r locks were like the r a v e n , y o u r b o n n y b r o w
was b r e n t .

�{

8

)

But now y o u r head's t u r n ' d bald, J o h n , y o u r locks
are like t h e fnow,
Yet bleffings on y o u r frofty p o w , J o h n A n d e r f o n ,
m y joe,
VII.
J o h n A n d e r f o n , my joe, J o h n , f r a e y e a r to year
we've part,
A n d Toon that year raaun come, J o h n , will b r i n g
us to our laft,
But let n a ' that affright us J o h n , our hearts were
n e ' e r o u r foe,
W h i l e in innocent delight y/e liv'd, J o h n A n d e r fon, my joe,
VIII.
J o h n A n d e r f o n , my joe, J o h n , we clarnb the hill
thegither,
A n d mony a canty day, J o h n , we've had vvi' ane
anither;
N o w we maun totter down, J o h n , b u t hand in
b a n d we'll go,
^ n d we'll fleep thegither at the foot, J o h n A n d e r f o n , my joe.

F I N i

4&gt;

S.

�</text>
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                <text>English Short Title Catalogue&amp;nbsp;&lt;span&gt;T34816&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Burns, Robert, 1759-1796</text>
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                    <text>�P R E F A T O R Y

N O T E .

THE traditions here, respecting the death of Marjory Bruce, are
very scanty. It is said that in hunting, near Renfrew, her horse got
entangled in a mire, or morass, by which she was violently thrown
from her saddle, and that she immediately thereafter expired, having
first given birth to a son, who was afterwards Robert 11. of Scotland.
Her remains, and also her effigy, still lie in the Sounding Aisle of our
Abbey Church. The effigy rests upon what was once, doubtless, the
altar of the church. The place where she met her untimely death is
still shown in a comer of one of the fields of the Knock Farm, and
is, as described by Baston, on the slope of the hill looking towards
Renfrew, and is still a mire. Till within these 40 or 50 years, a
stone cross marked the fatal spot. This cross has been carefully,
though unsuccessfully searched for by the present intelligent occupier of the Knock Farm.
Marjory Bruce, along with her mother, was taken prisoner after the
unfortunate battle of Methven, and carried into England. After the
battle of Bannockburn, however, they were both released ; on which
occasion Walter, the Lord High Steward of Scotland, who was much
trusted by Bruce, and who commanded the centre wing of the Scotch
army on that memorable occasion, was sent to meet them on the border, and conduct them to Stirling Castle, where the Scottish court
then was. It was then, doubtless, that that mutual attachment was
formed betwixt the hero and heroine of Baston's poem, which, in the
following year, issued in their marriage. They had been married only about nine months, when the birth of a child, under the
melancholy circumstances described, took place. From the consideration of this incident, we may exclaim with Cicero—
" Quae eximia plerisque et prsaclara videntur, parva ducere."

Had Marjory Bruce's horse fallen a little differently from what it
did, the infant in the womb might have been destroyed. We would
then have had no Stewart dynasty; and what the history of our
country would then have been, who can conjecture ?
How eventful! how instructive to princes and to nations, the history of that wide-spreading dynasty, from the time its first seed was
dropped on the banks of the Cart, to the time its main stem was
hewn down on the banks of the Boyne.
P A I S L E Y , 1839.

�THE

DEATH OF MARJORY BRUCE.

SOUTH BRIDGE,

EDINBURGH,

17th N o v . , 1838.
(To the Editor of the Paisley Advertiser.)
SIR,—Having, recently, made a curious literary
discovery, in connexion with your locality, I think
it but fair that it should be put into your hands.
Your readers are, in general, aware, that Edward
the I I . , in that march into Scotland which terminated in the battle of Bannockburn, brought along with
him a poet of the name of Baston, to celebrate in
verse his anticipated victory ; and that this unlucky
bard fell into the hands of the Scots, who punished
him in a very appropriate way, by making him write
a set of verses, in celebration of their victory over
his countrymen. This poem still remains : beginning
thus:—
" De planctu cudo metrum cum carmine nudo,
Risum retrudo, dam tali themate ludo."

W e say all this is well known to most of your
readers ; but few of them, we dare say, know that
this Baston, during his abode in Scotland, had his
domicile in the castle of Renfrew, the then principal
seat of the Lord High Steward of Scotland: that he
was residing there, when the death of his noble hostess took place, by her horse falling upon her as she

�rode from Paisley homewards ; and that he composed a set of Latin verses on that melancholy occasion,
in which he, most likely, describes what he had actually witnessed. Now we have had the good fortune to
find a copy of these verses which had so long- remained concealed, though often sought for by our
antiquaries.
We have made a free translation of
this poem. It is, perhaps, rather too long for your
paper, but, if you choose, you may publish it. You
must have still various floating traditions about the
sad catastrophe to which it relates ; and it may be
curious to compare these with the actual facts, as
related by a competent eye-witness. Some useful
conclusions might perhaps be deduced, on the nature
of evidence from such a comparison.
Yours, truly,
GEORGE

THOMSON.

[The lamentable death of Marjory Bruce, daughter of King
Robert the Bruce, and wife to Walter, the Lord High Steward of Scotland, which happened near to the Castle of Renfrew, on Mid-Summer eve, in the year 1316.]
'Twas even tide, the long bright day
"Was passing like a saint away ;
Still as it faded smiling meeker,
And touched with raptures holier, deeper ;
The sun ne'er built him fairer bowers,
To linger out eve's farewell hours,
The cloud-wove curtains of the sky,
Were never dipped in richer die,
And never did the peaks below
Dissolve amid so bright a glow.
From where the distant mountain's blue,
Emboldening meets the verdant hue
Of old Kilpatrick's woody slope,
To the Mistilaw's lone, western cope,

�The heavens a prophet's vision seems,
Or pageant of the world of dreams.
Full from that sanctuary of light,
With levell'd aim, superbly bright,
A glory o'er the green land pours,
Gilding its spires and banner'd towers.
Clyde like a vine-tinged current flows,
Like gold old Paisley's Abbey glows.
Swift slaunting, as a path-way meet
For some descending angel's feet,
Through its broad window pour'd the ray
Amid the long-ranged pillars grey,
To one wide warm empassion'd smile,
Flushing the cold dim western aisle.
It onward streamed, its mellow fire
A t length slept in the hallowed choir,
But, ere it kissed the sacred ground,
It met and beamed a glory round—
A rich-rob'd, Queen-like one, whose knee,
In midst of that fair sanctuary,
On cloth of gold is meekly bent,
Like some imploring penitent.
Her maidens and her knightly band,
With reverence deep at distance stand,
Nor Queen nor penitent is she,
But the fair Lady Marjory ;
A Bruce in soul as well as name,
Of meek but yet majestic mein.
The noblest knight in all the land,
The princely Stewart won her hand ;
And, soon, in hope's exulting glow
She waits a Mother's joy to know.
The mass is said, the vesper hymn
Floats mellow through the arches dim,
Soft mingling with the organ's swell,
Bidding the day a sweet farewell;
Whilst through the silent, gazing throng
The priestly train slow moves along,
T o seek the cloister's calm retreat,
Or silent cell for musing meet.
Then following came a noble band,
The grace, the beauty of the land,
Fair maidens in life's blooming May,
Like flowers woo'd by the morning ray,

�6
All blushing freshness, yet each face
Was solemn like the saintly place ;
As soft as falling snow they tread,
Each by a youthful warrior led,
Whose iron tramp, with ringing sound,
Startles the tomb-like echoes round.
But like the moon, serenely bright,
Calm gliding 'mid the stars of night,
Amid that glittering company
Slow paced the Lady Marjory.
Her placid brow, uplifted eye,
Spoke of high commerce with the sky,
Whilst the quick flushings of her cheek
Earth's hopes and anxious fears bespeak.
Now, 'twixt the western turret's hoar
They issue through the deep-arched door,
And never did a scene more bland
E'en in earth's richest climes expand
Than that fair one which round them lay
Like eye-enrapturing melody.
E'en like an angel's kiss, the air
Met the warm brow, and sounds were there,
Like angel-whispers, lover's-vows,
Heard 'mid the gently swinging boughs ;
Whilst, in soft harmony below,
Was heard the darkening river's flow,
And oft the mellow piping thrush
Pour'd forth her lay from shady bush,
A flood of music, liquid, clear,
Thrilling the calm air far and near.
Each lady reins her palfrey light,
Quick on his steed has sprung each knight ;
Along the green path, down the stream,
Like dreamers of some bright day-dream,
So, slowly, silently they ride
Onward to Renfrew's halls of pride,
Where, emblem of the Stewart's power,
His banner waves o'er massy tower.
Behind the far hills of Argyle
The sun had set, but still the smile,
Like hectic flush on beauty's cheek,
Of fading light plays round each peak ;

�Sweet as an infant's laughing eye,
Eve's dewy star beam'd down the sky.
Like visions, that in glory J^laze
Before ambition's fervid gaze,
And whilst he grasps them, melt away—
The crimson west had chang'd to grey.
And now they reach the sloping green,
Whence the broad castle's walls are seen
Their dark and massive bulk to heave ;
While, through the mellowing tints of eve,
They seem aerial halls pil'd high,
That mock the gazer's, wildered eye.
But, hark ! clear through the forest borne
Is heard the blast of bugle horn,
And in the garb of Lincoln green,
A weary hunting band is seen :
The note, from her long reverie,
Has roused the lady Marjory.
It is the blast she loves to hear,
That tell's her that her lord is near.
With joy she sees his coming train—
Slacks her impatient palfrey's rein;
That, long close curb'd, now bounds away
Like unleash'd hound upon his prey.
Nor answers now the guiding rein
But with high bound and proud-toss'd mane.
Though plunging on with furious speed,
Long trained to rein a mettled steed,
The graceful rider, firm, erect,
Calm, seeks his headlong course to check.
Forth springs a knight to seize her rein,
But ere his hand her hand could gain,
Still sweeping on with furious speed,
Deep in a mire had plunged her steed.
He falls, rolls o'er, and, woe the day !
His noble rider 'neath him lay.
T o aid, all wildly rush around,
And quickly from their saddles bound.
Her frantic maidens' scream of fear
Has reached the good Lord Steward's ear :
He starts—he sees the hurrying throng,
With arrow speed he spurs along :

�He speeds—but faster still life's tide
Is ebbing in his youthful bride !
But when his tones pf love she hears,
And meets his eye all drowned in tears,
And feels his thrilling warm embrace,
A flush plays o'er her livid face,
Like flowers that o'er a lone grave blow,
Or sunbeam on a wreath of snow.
A s waking from a troubled dream,
Her dark soft eye's dilated beam
Meets his mute gaze, and, bright'ning; still,
Like morning o'er the eastern hill,
I t pours, at length, so strange a light,
So bland, yet so intensely bright,
Her soul seemed to a seraph turned,
And with a seraph's rapture burned,
Pours like the glowing spirits above,
The tongueless eloquence of love.
And voiceless too, like spell-bound band,
All motionless her maidens stand.
They heave no sigh, they shed no tear,
D e e p awe has mastered grief and fear ;
Almost arrested, pulse and breath
And given each cheek the hue of death.
The spell is broke—they hear a moan—
And lo ! those eyes they gazed upon
A r e soulless ! pall'd in death's black night,
Is she who was the centre bright
That held a nation's gaze,—the one
"Who, like the summer's morning sun,
W o k e harmony, and joy, and love,
Where'er her graceful steps might move.
But life and death, strange mingle : lo !
A joy blends with the bitter woe.
A cherub smiles, an heir is born;
A s from eve's shades had sprung the morn.
T o Scotland, thus, by pitying Heaven,
A future hero may be given.
Sum Carmelita, B A S T O N cognomine dictus
Qui doleo vita in tali strage relictus.

�</text>
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            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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              </elementText>
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                <text>Paisley: J. Neilson</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="49">
            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="25930">
                <text>Courtship and Marriage</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="25931">
                <text>Robert I, King of Scots, 1274-1329</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="25932">
                <text>Poetry</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="25933">
                <text>Chapbooks - Scotland - Paisley</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="48">
            <name>Source</name>
            <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="25934">
                <text>Archival &amp; Special Collections, University of Guelph Library, Guelph, Ontario</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
        </elementContainer>
      </elementSet>
    </elementSetContainer>
    <tagContainer>
      <tag tagId="192">
        <name># of Woodcuts: 0</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="110">
        <name>Chapbook Date: 1831-1840</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="200">
        <name>Chapbook Genre: poetry</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="203">
        <name>Chapbook Genre: romance</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="238">
        <name>Chapbook Publisher - Paisley: J. Neilson</name>
      </tag>
    </tagContainer>
  </item>
</itemContainer>
